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Istanbul's Vanished City of the Dead: The Grand Champs des Morts

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  • Istanbul's Vanished City of the Dead: The Grand Champs des Morts

    The Fountain Magazine, NJ
    Dec 31 2004

    Istanbul's Vanished City of the Dead: The Grand Champs des Morts

    By Brain JOHNSON

    With a rich and varied architecture embodying centuries of history,
    Istanbul is one of the world's most celebrated cities. Besides the
    splendid monuments of its classical, Byzantine, and Ottoman heritage,
    Istanbul's cemeteries have also contributed to its renown.
    Historically, the vast necropolises of Eyüp, Üsküdar, and the Grand
    Champs des Morts in Pera have attracted the most notice. While the
    first two cemeteries still survive, the latter endures only as a
    memory - described in the pages of travel accounts, depicted on old
    engravings and maps, and tangibly perceptible in a scattering of
    funerary monuments that once graced its broad expanse. Yet, just over
    a hundred and fifty years ago, the Grand Champs des Morts existed as
    one of the world's great necropolises. A realm where the living
    intermingled with the dead, it roused the interest and imagination of
    visitors to Istanbul, and, even more notably, in an age of reform and
    change, offered inspiration and a model for contemporary designers of
    cemeteries in Western Europe.

    Dating back to the sixteenth century,1 the Grand Champs des Morts was
    unique among Istanbul's necropolises, with burial grounds for
    followers of both Islam and Christianity in close proximity.
    Beginning at Taksim (roughly on the site where the Atatürk Cultural
    Center now stands) and extending down the slopes of Gümüşsuyu and
    Fındıklı lay the graves of Muslims, while the area stretching
    northward toward Harbiye was divided into separate sections for the
    city's various Christian communities. The English traveler Julia
    Pardoe describes the site in 1836:

    The first plot of ground, after passing the barrack [the artillery
    barracks of Selim III at Taksim], is the grave-yard of the Franks;
    and here you are greeted on all sides with inscriptions in Latin;
    injunctions to pray for the souls of the departed; flourishes of
    French sentiment; calembourgs2 graven into the everlasting stone,
    treating of roses and reine Marguerites; concise English records of
    births, deaths, ages, and diseases; Italian elaborations of regret
    and despair; and all the common-places of an ordinary burial-ground.3


    Immediately in a line with the European cemetery, is the
    burial-ground of the Armenians. It is a thickly-peopled spot; and as
    you wander beneath the leafy boughs of the scented acacias, and
    thread your way among the tombs, you are struck by the peculiarity of
    their inscriptions. The noble Armenian character is graven deeply
    into the stone; name and date are duly set forth; but that which
    renders an Armenian slab. . . peculiar and distinctive, is the
    chiseling upon the tomb the emblem of the trade or profession of the
    deceased.

    The Turkish cemetery stretches along the slope of the hill behind the
    barrack, and descends far into the valley. Its thickly-planted
    cypresses form a dense shade, beneath which the tall head-stones
    gleam out white and ghastly. The grove is intersected by footpaths,
    and here and there a green glade lets in the sunshine, to glitter
    upon many a gilded tomb. Plunge into the thick darkness of the more
    covered spots, and for a moment you will almost think that you stand
    amid the ruins of some devastated city. You are surrounded by what
    appears for an instant to be the myriad fragments of some mighty
    whole; but the gloom has deceived you - you are in the midst of a
    Necropolis - a City of the Dead.4

    The vastness and natural beauty of the Grand Champs des Morts
    captured the attention of foreign residents and visitors to Istanbul
    alike, and few travel accounts and diaries from the past fail to
    mention - even if only in passing reference - the cemetery on the
    outskirts of Pera. The Grand Champs des Morts presented a sharp
    contrast to the densely packed inner-city churchyards which served as
    the principal burial grounds in so many of Europe's cities up to the
    nineteenth century. Although some chroniclers considered the size of
    the Pera cemetery, as well as the great necropolises bordering other
    districts of Istanbul, a hindrance to urban expansion and
    development,5 the advantage of such a spacious, sylvan tract of land
    for burial of the dead was also recognized.

    Not far from this [Taksim] we entered upon one of those vast
    burying-grounds which form one of the most conspicuous features of
    every Turkish city. . . In a few words. . . I may state that the
    cemetery. . . covers an area of more than 100 acres, and that a thick
    forest of cypresses (resembling in shape the poplar, but with a dark
    green foliage) overspreads it with a solemn shade, extremely
    appropriate to its ordinary uses. . .6

    Cemetery planners in Western Europe, spurred on by public calls for
    improvements to the hygiene and appearance of local burial grounds,
    cited precedents in Istanbul - as well as other areas of the East - in
    their effort to close inner-city churchyards and replace them with
    larger, more salubrious cemeteries outside settled areas. This
    process of reform essentially began in France during the eighteenth
    century. It was encouraged by authors such as the naturalist
    Bernardin de Saint-Pierre (1737-1814), who, in his celebrated Études
    de la Nature, praised the Turkish custom of burying the dead in the
    countryside (a tradition also observed in classical antiquity and
    contemporary China) and recommended the implementation of similar
    practices in Paris. He proposed `landscaped Élysées as the
    burial-place of the great and good, and public cemeteries
    (essentially landscaped gardens where the dead would be buried and,
    if prosperity allowed, monuments erected). . . Public cemeteries
    should be created in the vicinity of the city, planted with
    cypresses, pines, and fruit-trees, and monuments erected in such a
    setting could only induce profound moral feelings and tender
    melancholy in those who visited them.'7

    By the late 1700s, new methods for disposing of the dead were of
    absolute necessity in most of Europe's major cities, and not simply
    for esthetic purposes, but for maintaining public health. Toward the
    end of the eighteenth century, the municipality of Paris took the
    first steps by closing old burial grounds, such as the ancient
    Cimetière des Innocents, and establishing new cemeteries, including
    the famed Père-Lachaise, Montparnasse, and Montmartre early in the
    next. A similar course of action occurred somewhat later in London,
    commencing with the opening of Kensal Green in 1832, the first of
    seven new private cemeteries founded over the next decade on the
    outskirts of the city.8 Finally, in 1852, all graveyards inside the
    city limits were closed with the passage into law of the Metropolitan
    Burial Act. By that time, London's churchyards, many dating from the
    Middle Ages, were in a critical state. One contemporary journal, The
    Builder, asserted in 1843 that 50,000 bodies yearly were piled one on
    top of the other in these overcrowded graveyards, where - left to
    putrefy and rot - they gave out exhalations and darkened the air with
    vapors. Charles Dickens cynically portrayed the grim situation in the
    Uncommercial Traveller:

    Such strange churchyards hide in the City of London; churchyards
    sometimes so entirely pressed upon by houses, so small, so rank, so
    silent, so forgotten, except by the few people who ever look down
    into them from their smokey windows. As I stand peeping in through
    the iron gates and rails, I can peel the rusty metal off, like bark
    from an old tree. The illegible tombstones are all lopsided, the
    gravemounds lost their shape in the rains of a hundred years ago, the
    Lombardy Poplar or Plane-Tree that was once a drysalter's daughter
    and several common-councilmen, has withered like those worthies, and
    its departed leaves are dust beneath it. Contagion of slow ruin
    overhangs the place . . .9

    Considering the dismal, unwholesome state of burial grounds in their
    own countries, it is no wonder that Europeans often waxed eloquent
    about the cemeteries of Istanbul, highlighting the aura of life which
    they engendered. Julia Pardoe offers a particularly vivid description
    of the burial grounds in the Ottoman capital, where the present
    generation readily merged with those of the past.

    [The Turk] looks upon death calmly and without repugnance; he does
    not connect it with ideas of gloom and horror, as we are too prone to
    do in Europe, - he spreads his burial places in the sunniest spots - on
    the crests of the laughing hills, where they are bathed in the light
    of the blue sky; beside the crowded thoroughfares of the city, where
    the dead are, as it were, once more mingled with the living, - in the
    green nooks that stretch down to the Bosphorus, wherein more selfish
    spirits would have erected a villa, or have planted a vineyard. He
    identifies himself with the generation which has passed away - he is
    ready to yield his place to that which is to succeed his own.10

    For the cemetery reformers of Europe, such descriptions offered an
    ideal in their quest for more wholesome, esthetically appealing
    burial grounds. Located in the hilly countryside on the fringes of
    the city, the Grand Champs des Morts and Istanbul's other great
    necropolises served as a model for those who strove to create new
    cemeteries for the sanitary disposal of the dead, as well as provide
    an idyllic environment for the expression of one's most tender
    feelings and deepest sentiments. Contemporary author Samuel Taylor
    Coleridge even commented on the emotive aspect of Turkish burial
    grounds.

    Nothing can make amends for the want of the soothing influences of
    nature, and for the absence of those types of renovation and decay
    which the fields and woods offer to the notice of the serious and
    contemplative mind. To feel the force of this sentiment, let a man
    only compare in imagination, the unsightly manner in which our
    monuments are crowded together in the busy, noisy, unclean, and
    almost grassless churchyard of a large town, with the still seclusion
    of a Turkish cemetery in some remote place, and yet further
    sanctified by the grove of cypresses in which it is embosomed.11 /

    Specific reference to the Grand Champs des Morts and other Turkish
    cemeteries as archetypes to imitate in the West also appear in the
    writings of John Claudius Loudon (1783-1843), one of the most
    influential cemetery reformers of the nineteenth century. A Scottish
    landscape gardener, Loudon proposed that burial grounds should be on
    elevated ground, distant enough from urban centers as not to endanger
    the health of the populace, yet near enough to lessen the time and
    expense of funerals and encourage visits by the living to the tombs
    of the dead. To make the site attractive, he favored a garden-like
    setting, and suggested the planting of various types of trees and
    shrubs. Istanbul's necropolises offered exemplary models of these
    principles, and Loudon quoted descriptions of them in his works on
    burial ground planning and design. `The Turkish cemeteries are
    generally out of the city, on rising ground, planted with cedars,
    cypresses, and odoriferous shrubs, whose deep verdure and graceful
    forms bending in every breeze give a melancholy beauty to the place,
    and excite sentiments very congenial to its destination.'12

    Besides the location of Istanbul's cemeteries in the midst of nature
    and removed from the habitations of the living, the local tradition
    of single interments also impressed European observers. As Julia
    Pardoe remarked, the remains of the dead were not disturbed once laid
    to rest, a practice followed in both the Muslim and Christian burial
    grounds of the Grand Champs des Morts. `There is no burying and
    reburying on the same spot, as with us. The remains of the departed
    are sacred.'13 In stark contrast, Europeans - largely due to space
    restrictions in their heavily populated cities - regularly opened
    existing graves and filled them with new cadavers, to the point that
    some churchyards became pestilential pits, seriously endangering
    public health. By the late eighteenth century these unsanitary
    conditions had become intolerable. Through the influence of
    reformers, many of whom took inspiration from the burial practices of
    the Ottomans, new laws were instituted regulating methods of
    disposing of the dead. A French decree passed in 1804, for instance,
    prohibited burial in common graves, where the dead were stacked up
    one on top of the other.14 Instead, each cadaver was to be buried in
    its own space, dug to a specific depth and separated from other
    graves by a set distance, a method of sepulture eventually adopted in
    other European countries as well.

    More than Ottoman burial practices, however, the unique social life
    which revolved around Istanbul's cemeteries, especially in the Grand
    Champs des Morts, aroused the interest of foreigners. Both Muslim and
    Christian inhabitants of the city followed distinct rituals for
    remembering their dead, and families of all religious persuasions
    made regular visits to their respective burial grounds, maintaining
    their link with the generations which had preceded them. The pleasant
    surroundings of the cemeteries (places to avoid in Europe's
    municipalities) encouraged this communion with the departed.
    Moreover, the great necropolises were more than resting places for
    the dead. `The Champs des Morts,' as Julia Pardoe recounts, `is the
    promenade of the whole population - Turk, Frank, Greek, and Armenian. .
    .'15 It was known to the locals as a place of keyif, or an area
    connected with ease and enjoyment.16 Spacious, fresh, green, and in
    close proximity to the residential quarters of Pera, the burial
    ground served as a kind of parkland - an attractive area of rest and
    relaxation for the populace of Istanbul.

    With whatever views they pay these visits, it is certain that the
    burying-ground is their favorite resort, where they spend many of
    their spare hours. Whole families, parents and little children, may
    be seen gathered around a tomb in silence and seriousness, or in
    animated and joyous converse. All the burying-grounds, Turkish,
    Jewish, and Christian, are chief places of public resort.17

    The Grand Champs des Morts even had a cafe at the crest of the hill
    overlooking Dolmabahçe, where customers could while away the day
    smoking water pipes, drinking Turkish coffee, and gazing out at the
    sparkling waters of the Bosphorus in the distance.18 Itinerant
    vendors also wandered through the cemetery, offering refreshments to
    visitors. Water sellers usually followed in their wake, carrying huge
    dripping jars and shouting their distinctive cry buz gibi su!
    (ice-cold water),19 ready to quench the thirst of those strolling or
    lounging among the tombs.

    Yet, perhaps the most fascinating sight for Europeans were the public
    fairs held in the necropolis. More than just a place for
    commemoration, quiet contemplation, and repose, the Grand Champs des
    Morts was also the site of lively festivals and celebrations. On such
    occasions, the burial grounds - primarily those of the Christians - were
    transformed into an animated spectacle of gaiety and amusement. Julia
    Pardoe describes in colorful detail one such fête for the living
    amongst the monuments of the dead.

    I have already spoken elsewhere of the indifference, if not absolute
    enjoyment with which the inhabitants of the East frequent their
    burying grounds; but on the occasion of this festival I was more
    impressed than ever by the extent to which it is carried. The whole
    of the Christian cemetery had assumed the appearance of a fair. . .


    Grave-stones steadied the poles which supported the swings - divans,
    comfortably overlaid with cushions, were but chintz-covered
    sepulchers - the kibaub merchants had dug hollows to cook their
    dainties under the shelter of the tombs, and the smoking booths were
    amply supplied with seats and counters from the same wide waste of
    death.

    Every hundred yards that we advanced, the scene became more striking.
    One long line of diminutive tents formed a temporary street of
    eating-houses; there were kibaubs, pillauf, fritters, pickled
    vegetables, soups, rolls stuffed with fine herbs, sausages, fried
    fish, bread of every quality, and cakes of all dimensions. . . .

    Here and there a flat tomb, fancifully covered with gold-embroidered
    handkerchiefs, was overspread with sweetmeats and preserved fruits;
    while in the midst of these rival establishments, groups of men were
    seated in a circle, wherever a little shade could be obtained,
    smoking their long pipes in silence, with their diminutive
    coffee-cups resting on the ground beside them. The wooden kiosk
    overhanging the Bosphorus was crowded; and many a party was snugly
    niched among the acacias, with their backs resting against the tombs,
    and the sunshine flickering at their feet.20


    Undoubtedly, Europeans were amazed by the merging of the realms of
    the living and the dead that occurred at Istanbul's Grand Champs des
    Morts, where, as French embassy member Charles Pertusier remarked,
    `those who weep are not disturbed by the lyric songs of joy, and
    those who laugh pay no attention to those who weep.'21 Visiting - much
    less taking one's pleasure in - burial grounds would have been almost
    inconceivable in the West. However, in the first half of the
    nineteenth century, this had already begun to change with the closing
    of inner-city churchyards and the creation of cemeteries on the
    periphery of urban areas in Europe. Planted with a rich variety of
    trees and shrubs, the burial grounds founded in Paris and London
    during this era constituted a distinctly new style. Essentially
    funerary gardens, they served both as cemeteries and parklands.
    Burial grounds such as Pere Lachaise, Montmartre, Kensal Green, and
    Highgate became renowned for their natural beauty, and were
    frequented - much like today - both by mourners wishing to commemorate
    the dead as well as visitors seeking a quiet spot for meditation and
    repose.

    Ironically, even as Europeans in the nineteenth century were opening
    new burial grounds influenced by models from Istanbul, sections of
    the very cemeteries from which they had derived inspiration
    (including portions of the Grand Champs des Morts) were being lost in
    the wake of rapid urban development. During the course of this
    transformation - spurred on by a desire to rebuild the city in
    contemporary Western fashion - it was inevitable that many of
    Istanbul's old burial grounds would lessen in size, or vanish
    completely from the map. The city was unique in that so many of its
    immediate environs were taken up by vast necropolises for the dead, a
    conspicuous feature which left a distinct impression on foreign
    travelers, such as Stephen Olin, who in 1853 remarked on the loss of
    the cemeteries in the wake of urban growth.

    Indeed, so vast a space has been devoted to the dead around Istanbul,
    that it is no longer possible to respect the sanctity of their abode
    without interfering greatly with the convenience of the living, and
    even the entire sacrifice of public convenience. Immense as the city
    is, I am quite sure that much more ground is occupied by tombs and
    graves than by the habitations of the living. The whole country about
    Constantinople, Scutari, and Pera is occupied in this way, and a vast
    number of tombs and burying grounds are enclosed within the walls. In
    forming roads, streets, and in building, it is no longer possible to
    spare them, and one often treads upon causeways or pavements made of
    sculptured grave-stones and monuments.22


    Between 1840 and 1910, the area of Istanbul stretching northward from
    Taksim to ½işli was transformed from open countryside to densely
    inhabited residential settlement. Early nineteenth-century maps of
    Istanbul show much of the area in this direction taken up by the
    non-Muslim burial grounds of the Grand Champs des Morts, with the
    Frankish section directly in the path of the main route of expansion.
    Already, by 1842, this burial ground was being whittled down, as a
    contemporary account by Reverend William Goodell attests. One of the
    founders of the American Board mission to the Armenians at Istanbul,
    Goodell had lost his nine-year-old son, Constantine Washington, to
    gastric typhoid in 1841 and buried him in the Frankish section of the
    Grand Champs des Morts.

    February 18, 1842. On account of the encroachments. . . on the Frank
    burying ground, I had to remove the body of our beloved boy. The
    grave . . . had been dug deep, and the coffin was scarcely damp.
    Every thing was sweet and still. The new grave which we have prepared
    a few rods distant was also deep and dry; and there we laid the body,
    to rest in its quiet bed till the resurrection morning. Beloved
    child, farewell!23

    However, little Constantine's tranquility lasted far less than
    expected, disturbed again by a flurry of construction in the early
    1860s, including the widening of the main road running from Taksim to
    Pangaltı. In July 1863, the remains of more than a dozen Americans,
    including those of Constantine Washington Goodell, were exhumed from
    the old Frankish burial ground in the Grand Champs des Morts. They
    were transferred, along with their grave markers, to a new Protestant
    cemetery in Feriköy - created by order of Sultan Abdülmecit I in the
    1850s - for re-interment.24 The land occupied by the former burial
    ground was turned into a public park (in a modern Western sense), a
    project finally completed six years later with the opening of Taksim
    Garden in 1869.25

    As the urban environment around Taksim expanded in succeeding
    decades, the other burial grounds of the Grand Champs des Morts also
    disappeared. The Armenian cemetery, which lay to the north of the
    Frankish burial ground, was still delineated on the 1925-26
    Pervititch insurance maps of Istanbul, but labeled as `ex-Cimetière
    Armenien,' apparently indicating that it had ceased to be an active
    place of interment. Most of the Muslim burial grounds which had
    covered the slopes of Gümüşsuyu and Fındıklı had already vanished by
    the First World War; an aerial photograph taken from a balloon at
    that time shows a small portion - evident as a thick patch of
    cypresses - still straddling the side of the hill between the Taksim
    barracks an the military hospital in Gumussuyu.26 The scant remains
    of the once great necropolis would cease to exist by the
    mid-twentieth century.27

    All the while, as the great cemetery shrank - sacrificed for the sake
    of public convenience - reformers in Europe were transforming the
    spatial relationship of the living and dead in the West. The
    nineteenth century witnessed an innovative concept in European burial
    ground design, with the introduction of expansive, magnificently
    landscaped cemeteries. Serene and picturesque, they served as
    additional public parks in many towns and cities. Whereas the small,
    noxious churchyards of previous ages had been shunned, the new
    necropolises were considered an ideal place for a relaxing stroll or
    family outing, not to mention a site of regular pilgrimage to pay
    respects to the well-loved dead. This shift in custom and attitude
    was the culmination of several decades of reform, which - to no small
    extent - was inspired by the traditions of sepulture in other lands,
    including the Ottoman empire. Remarkably, at a time when the Ottomans
    were actively borrowing ideas and institutions from Europe in an
    effort to modernize the empire, their centuries-old customs of burial
    and commemoration of the dead helped fuel a vital social advance in
    the very countries they looked to for guidance. At the same time,
    urban development in the Ottoman capital, influenced by Western
    models, led to the closure of the Grand Champs des Morts - Istanbul's
    `City of the Dead,' a world-renowned necropolis which had provided
    inspiration, as well as an ideal, for the cemetery reformers of
    Europe.

    Footnotes

    1 By some accounts, the earliest interments at the Grand Champs des
    Morts date to c. 1560, when Istanbul was struck with a severe
    epidemic of plague, and the open fields around Taksim were used to
    bury the great numbers of dead; see Istanbul Ansiklopedisi, s.v.
    `Ermeni Mezarliklari.' The tombstone of a Dutch physician, Willem
    Quackelbeen, who died of the disease in 1561, offers physical
    evidence of this conjecture. It is currently located in the Roman
    Catholic cemetery at Feriköy, where it was most likely transferred
    when the Frankish section of the Grand Champs des Morts closed in the
    mid-1800s, see A.H. de Groot, Old Dutch Graves at Istanbul, Archivum
    Ottomanicum 5 (1973): 6. Robert Walsh, chaplain to the British
    Embassy at Istanbul in the 1830s, recounted in his memoirs that the
    earliest grave-marker in the Frankish burial ground was that of
    Ludovicus Chizzolo, a Jesuit who succumbed to the plague in 1585, see
    R. Walsh, A Residence at Constantinople, vol. 2 (London: Richard
    Bentley, 1838), 441.
    2 Calembourg: a pun, or play on words.
    3 Julia Pardoe, The City of the Sultan, 4th ed. (London: George
    Routledge and Sons, 1854), 51.
    4 Ibid., 53-54.
    5 For instance, Lady Mary Wortley Montague, writing in 1717,
    commented: `The burying fields about it (i.e., Istanbul) are
    certainly much larger than the whole city. `Tis surprising what a
    vast deal of land is lost this way in Turkey. Sometimes I have seen
    burying places of several miles, belonging to very inconsiderable
    villages. . . .' See Hans-Peter Laqueur, `Cemeteries in Orient and
    Occident: The Historical Development,' in Cimetières et Traditions
    Funéraires dans le Monde Islamique (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu
    Basımevi, 1996), 2: 3.
    6 An American, Sketches of Turkey in 1831 and 1832 (New York: J. & J.
    Harper, 1833), 158.
    7 James Stevens Curl, The Victorian Celebration of Death (Stroud,
    Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing Ltd.), 17.
    8 These included West Norwood (1837); Highgate (1839); Brompton,
    Nunhead, and Abney Park (1840); and Tower Hamlets (1841).
    9 Charles Dickens, The Uncommercial Traveller (London: Oxford, 1860)
    233.
    10 Pardoe, The City of the Sultan, 36.
    11 John Claudius Loudon, `On the Laying Out, Planting, and Managing
    of Cemeteries and on the Improvement of Churchyards.' The Gardener's
    Magazine, 1843, p. 100.
    12 Ibid., 405.
    13 Pardoe, The City of the Sultan, 50.
    14 Thomas A. Kselman, Death and the Afterlife in Modern France,
    Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993, 169-70.
    15 Pardoe, The City of the Sultan, 50.
    16 Charles White, Domestic Manners of the Turks in 1844, vol. 1
    (London: Henry Colburn, 1846), 15-16.
    17 Stephen Olin, Greece and the Golden Horn (New York: Carlton &
    Philips, 1854), 249.
    18 Pardoe, The City of the Sultan, 51.
    19 White, Domestic Manners of the Turks in 1844, 1: 15-16.
    20 Pardoe, The City of the Sultan, 134-35.
    21 Petusier further states: `To form a correct idea of these
    heterogeneous scenes, we
    must be on the spot, for no description can do justice to them; and
    even when we see them, for the first time, it appears such a complete
    illusion, that we can scarsely conceive its reality.' See Charles
    Petusier, Picturesque Promenades in and near Constantinople and on
    the Waters of the Bosphorus (London: Sir Richard Phillips and Co.,
    1820), 96.
    22 Olin, Greece and the Golden Horn, 219.
    23 E.D.G. Prime, Memoirs of Rev. William Goodell, D.D. (Robert Carter
    and Brothers, 1876), 275.
    24 Burial Registry of the Feriköy Protestant Cemetery, no. 331-343,
    1863, Governing Board of the Feriköy Protestant Cemetery, Istanbul,
    Turkey.
    25 Zeynep Çelik, The Remaking of Istanbul, Seattle and London:
    University of Washington Press, 1986, 69.
    26 For a copy of this image, see Çelik Gülersoy, Taksim: Bir Meydanın
    Hikayesi (Istanbul: ‹stanbul Kitaplıı, 1986), 37.
    27 Some tombstones from the Frankish section of the Grand Champs des
    Morts still survive in the Protestant and Catholic cemeteries in
    Istanbul's Feriköy district, where they were transferred after the
    old burial ground closed in the mid-1800s.

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