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  • Worried About Yukos

    Moscow Times
    July 22 2004

    Worried About Yukos

    By Alexei Bayer

    I recently approached a number of Jewish businessmen in Russia about
    contributing money to an American charity, the Hebrew Immigrant Aid
    Society.

    HIAS was founded by Russian Jews in New York in the 1880s to assist
    those fleeing the pogroms in the Pale of Settlement. Over the years,
    it helped generations of Jewish refugees, including thousands of
    Holocaust survivors, to resettle in a safer diaspora. Half a million
    Soviet Jews have come to the United States under its auspices since
    1967. But now, the flow of refugees has slowed to a trickle, and HIAS
    is facing an uncertain future.

    I was initially skeptical about discussing HIAS with successful
    Russian Jews. I had interviewed some of them for an article in 2002
    and found them uninterested, even hostile, to the idea of leaving
    Russia. They were putting their money and effort into strengthening
    the Jewish community in Russia, and they supported local charities
    and organizations that helped Russian Jews stay put, not emigrate.

    Most of them still say they do not want to leave. But all of a sudden
    they feel that a Jewish refugee organization is worth preserving, and
    are willing to fund it. This response will no doubt hearten HIAS, but
    it left me extremely uneasy. What has happened over the past two
    years to change their minds?

    Although many of the disgraced oligarchs running afoul of President
    Vladimir Putin -- notably Boris Berezovsky, Vladimir Gusinsky and
    Mikhail Khodorkovsky -- are either wholly or partially Jewish, even
    the president's harshest critics have not accused him of singling out
    Jews in his attack on private business. Many things in Putin's Russia
    are reverting to the Soviet model, but official anti-Semitism is not
    one of them. The bad old days when Jews were barred from prestigious
    universities, denied employment and promotion and vilified for
    wanting to go to Israel are no more. Anti-Semitism may be more in the
    open in post-Soviet Russia, and some prominent members of the State
    Duma are given to making nasty, bigoted statements, but it is
    definitely not the policy of the Russian government.

    Nevertheless, the state's campaign against Yukos is the main reason
    why Russian Jews, especially those in business, are starting to feel
    nervous. Since time immemorial, Jews have been blamed for economic
    failures. The Russian government may not currently pursue
    anti-Semitic policies, but Russian society remains intolerant of
    foreigners. For now, its prejudice is directed predominately against
    immigrants from Central Asia and the Caucasus. Persecution of such
    "blacks" has a semi-official flavor: the government often closes its
    eyes when they are harassed by the police and government officials.

    At the height of the anti-Jewish campaign in the Soviet Union, the
    following joke used to make the rounds in Moscow. An old Armenian is
    dying. His family is waiting for some parting words of wisdom, but
    all he keeps telling them instead is that they will have to protect
    the Jews.

    "Why should we bother with the Jews, grandpa?" they ask him. "Because
    once they're done with the Jews, they'll start on the Armenians."

    Now this joke has been turned on its head. The hardships of everyday
    life, such as rising consumer prices, are being blamed on "blacks,"
    who are seen as street vendors and petty merchants. But the Jews may
    once more become scapegoats if Russia suffers another economic
    crisis. Because the Jews, as is well known, control big business and
    the financial markets.

    With its attack on Yukos, and the systematic return of large-scale
    private enterprise to bureaucratic control, the Putin administration
    is making sure that Russia's economy will eventually go down the
    drain. The Kremlin has been determined to squander the opportunities
    that high oil prices and the weak ruble have thrown its way in the
    early years of the millennium. Instead of promoting foreign
    investment, strengthening market mechanisms and modernizing the legal
    and physical infrastructure of the country, it is steadily
    re-Sovietizing the economy.

    The era of high oil prices will not last forever. But even if Russia
    continues to derive strong earnings from oil, gas and other commodity
    exports, the money is certain to be wasted. Places like Nigeria and
    Venezuela have shown how a rapacious, incompetent bureaucracy can
    make hundreds of billions of dollars disappear without a trace. The
    Soviet-Russian bureaucracy, still very much in charge of the country,
    has a remarkable track record of turning a fabulously resource-rich
    country into an economic, environmental and social basket case.

    The post-Yukos Russian economy will be a precarious construct. It
    will combine inefficiency, rigidity and corruption characteristic of
    a state-run system with half-baked financial markets and a
    rudimentary banking system. It will be an environment ripe for a
    major economic crisis and, ultimately, for another surge of
    anti-Semitism. It will be tempting, of course, for the government to
    blame an economic debacle on the rapaciousness of the Jews, rather
    than admit its own ineptitude.

    It would be a good thing for HIAS if wealthy Russian Jews came to its
    support. But this might also presage another wave of Jewish
    immigration. Russian Jews are the last significant Jewish community
    in Eastern Europe. Moscow, with its extensive and varied Jewish
    cultural and religious life, its Jews prominent in the arts,
    sciences, commerce and the white-collar professions, is the heir to
    such brilliant early 20th-century cities as Vienna, Prague, Budapest,
    Berlin and Warsaw. It would be a tragedy for Jews, Russia and,
    ultimately, Europe, if this community were to follow the others into
    oblivion.


    Alexei Bayer, a New York-based economist, writes the Globalist column
    for Vedomosti on alternate weeks. He contributed this comment to The
    Moscow Times.

    From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
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