Tweet
Robert Kocharian: Nagorno Karabagh Republic today is an established state
24.06.2004
YEREVAN (YERKIR) - Address by Armenian President Robert Kocharian at
the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.
Mr. President, Members of the Parliamentary Assembly, Ladies and
Gentlemen,
It is an honor and pleasure to address you. Last time I have addressed
the Assembly on a very significant day for Armenia the day of
accession to the Council of Europe.
These were three demanding years of reforms that have touched upon all
the domains of life in our country and necessitated full time
employment of allour efforts.
Today I am here to announce that Armenia has fulfilled the vast
majority of its accession commitments. For the few outstanding ones,
there is a timetable agreed with a deadline fixed at the end of this
year. Still, if asked of the single most vital achievement I would
definitely answer: change in the perceptions in the Armenian society
about own future. The people of Armeniais now more involved in the
everyday life of the country. Formation of the Civil Society is on the
move.
Does this mean Armenia has achieved the desirable level of democratic
freedoms? The obvious answer is NO. Democracy has a long way to go in
any country with high poverty indicators. To assure fully inclusive
participation by the people in the democratic process, it is essential
to achieve at least minimal level of social guarantees. That is
precisely why we have strived to synchronize reforms in economy,
political system, judiciary and the social field.
In essence, Armenia has completed the process of dismantling the
former centralized system of power and economy, which allowed for a
total control over the society.
Armenian economy has undergone radical transformation both in terms of
activity fields and of property forms. The scope and depth of the
reforms allowed for a full scale enactment of market economy.
At present over 85% of Armenia's GDP is produced in private sector,
over 38% of it in small and medium enterprises. Annual GDP growth has
averaged at I2% for last three consecutive years, regardless of the
blockade implemented bytwo fellow members of this very organization.
That dynamic economic growth has allowed us to develop a long term
Poverty Elimination Strategy.
The first time in Armenia this governmental program was developed in
close cooperation with international financial institutions and also
with wide involvement of the society. That Strategy now guides us in
the political decision making and in choosing our budget priorities.
Fighting corruption is Yet another important step towards effective
democracy. The Government of Armenia watches corruption as a systemic
evil,which cannot be eradicated merely through rhetoric or a couple of
sampler prosecutions.
We concentrate on the systemic change aimed at ruling out the sources
of corruption. That is exactly why we have joined the GRECO group
where we canlearn from the experience of other states on combating
corruption. Through a wide discussion including the OSCE, we have
developed a comprehensive Anti corruption strategy. A few weeks ago I
have established an AntiCorruption Council.
As an urgent measure directed at eradication of corruption in Armenia
I shall prioritize the necessity of deepening the judicial reforms,
improvement in tax and customs administration, and formation of an
effective system of Civil Service. All these are key tools for
implementation of anti corruption policies.
In terms of a broader effort aimed at reducing corruption risks, I
would like to particularly mention the importance of establishing
competitive climate, predictability of governmental action,
simplification of procedures, transparency thereof and public
control. Those are our current priorities aimed at achieving the
sustainability of the reforms and irreversibility of the
democratization process in Armenia.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I know many of you wonder: what was happening in
Armenia last spring? What fostered the activity of the opposition that
surrogated the parliamentary work by revolutionary rallies? You are
right to wonder, since you have been all informed by the monitoring
group Rapporteurs who had visited Armenia only very recently, in
January, that there are significant advancements in fulfillingthe
commitments accepted at the accession. And you know that most of those
deal with advancing democracy.
Expert evaluations of Armenia by international financial institutes
are more than optimistic. Two digit figures of economic growth and
budgetary proficit, by default cannot fuel the revolutionary
atmosphere. Moreover, there are three full years before the next
parliamentary elections.
Therefore, there were no internal prerequisites for increase in
political activity. Accordingly, what has happened? The answer is
easy. The opposition, encouraged by the results of the "rose
revolution" in neighboring Georgia, decided to duplicate it in the
Armenian reality, which, however, had nothing in common with the
Georgian one.
They disregarded the fact that Armenia's economy, as opposite to
Georgian, undergoes dynamic advancement, the government is efficient,
and the democratic achievements are safeguarded by institutional
structures, including the law enforcement system capable of protecting
the public order.
The history has many times demonstrated that inspiration by foreign
revolutions never results in positive outcomes. Unfortunately,
learning often comes only from own experience. That also happened in
our case. The opposition left the parliament and unfolded street
activity.
They openly declared the goal: to destabilize the situation in the
country, cumulate the maximum possible number of participants in a
street action, surround the building of the Presidency and force me to
resign. Once the opposition witnessed lack of public interest towards
their action plan, they decided to increase the tension, most probably
to attract attention. They blocked the most loaded avenue of the city
of Yerevan.
That resulted in disruption of the traffic, prevented normal
functioning of the National Assembly, of the Administration of the
President and of the Constitutional Court. Four embassies, the
National Academy of Science and one of the biggest schools are located
at the same avenue. The organizers called on the public for
demonstrative disobedience. The police was left with no choice; the
public order was restored quickly, without any significant damage to
the health of the participants.
Necessity of implementation of similar police operations is always
regrettable. Still, authorities have to protect the society from
political extremists. It is particularly important in young
democracies, which still lack the advanced traditions of the political
and legal culture. Even more so when part of the population lives in
poverty and can be easily manipulated by populist rhetoric.
I would like to particularly mention that the parties comprising the
ruling coalition have many times offered cooperation to the
opposition. Unfortunately, those offers were rejected. The opposition
probably thinks that cooperation would undermine the revolutionary
temper of their supporters.
Our country is in the important stage of its advancement, and I am
confident that there are many directions that require non partisan
effort. We have offered the opposition to work together on the most
important issues the Constitutional reform and the new Electoral
Code. The offer is still valid,however the discussions shall be held
in the parliament, not in the street.
Ladies and gentlemen: I would now like to turn to another important
issue: the honoring of obligations by the new members of the Council
of Europe. May I remind you that most of the reforms to be implemented
by a new member are sensitive issues in domestic politics? Often,
implementation of the reforms clashes the inertiaof the public
opinion. In the case of Armenia examples of such issues are the
Constitutional reform, abolition of the death penalty and the new
Electoral legislation.
Active implementation of commitments by the authorities usually
results in increased internal tension and meets active resistance of
the opposition. For example, the parliamentary opposition of Armenia
openly contested the abolition of the death penalty and the new
edition of the Constitution, drafted in close cooperation with the
Venice Commission.
Honoring the obligations is a heavy political load accepted by the
entire country, not only by the authorities. Our application for
accession to the Council of Europe was signed by all the parliamentary
factions. In this Assembly the country is presented by the entire
parliamentary spectrum.
Therefore, the duty of honoring the obligations shall bind the
opposition as much as the government. One ought not purposefully fail
to comply with own obligations for the sole purpose of discrediting
the ruling political authorities in face of the Council of Europe.
I would never talk about all this if "not the recent resolution of the
Parliamentary Assembly on Armenia. I regret that some of our MPs drew
the PACE into that discussion. I am confident that the Council of
Europe is not the best choice for the place to practice the opposition
authority contention. For that purpose there is national parliament:
the main political mise en scene of Armenia.
Mr. Chairman: I would now like to turn to one of the priority interest
issues for Armenia. At the time of accession Armenia undertook to
make steps towards peaceful settlement of the Nagorno Karabagh
conflict. We have done so because we highly appreciate the necessity
of friendly relations among neighboring states. However, to be able to
effectively secure a long lasting solution, one needs to deeply
understand the essence of the conflict. I would like to outline two
important factors characteristic of the Karabagh conflict.
First of all: Karabagh has never been part of independent
Azerbaijan. At the time of collapse of the Soviet Union two states
were formed: the Azerbaijani Republic on the territory of Azerbaijan
Soviet Socialist Republic and Republic of Nagorno Karabagh on the
territory of the Nagorno Karabagh Autonomous Region. Establishment of
both these states has similar legal grounds. The territorial integrity
of Azerbaijan, henceforth, has nothing to do with theRepublic of
Nagorno Karabagh. We are ready to discuss the issue of settling that
conflict in the legal domain.
Second: the war of I992 94 was launched by the aggression of the Azeri
authorities, which attempted to implement ethnic cleansing of the
territoryof Nagorno Karabagh with the purpose of its annexation. The
situation in placetoday is the result of a selfless fight of the
Armenians of Nagorno Karabagh for survival on their own land. It is a
classical example of both the implementation of the right for self
determination and of misusing the "territorial integrity" concept as a
justification for ethnic cleansings.
The people of Karabagh has prevailed in it's strive for independent
life in an egalitarian society. Independence of Karabagh today has I6
years of history. An entire generation grew up there that can think
of no other status for the country. Nagorno Karabagh Republic today is
an established state, in essence meeting all of the Council of
Europe's membership criteria. It is the reality which cannot be
ignored. That is exactly why we insist on direct participation of
Nagorrio Karabagh in the negotiations, in which Armenia actively
participates.
The solution shall emerge from the substance of the conflict and not
from the perception of the possible strengthening of Azerbaijan
through future "oil money".
"Oil money" approach is the formula of confrontation and not of
compromise. Armenia is ready to continue and advance the cease fire
regime. We are ready for serious negotiations on a full scale solution
for the conflict. That is exactly why we have accepted two last
formulas of solution offered by the international mediators, which,
unfortunately, were denied by Azerbaijan.
It is difficult to overstate the importance of advancement of the
regional cooperation in the Southern Caucasus. There is a wide
spectrum for potential cooperation: from synchronization of
legislation to restoring the interconnected transportation systems and
to joint projects in the energy sector. We are confident that regional
cooperation is the right route to the settlement of conflicts.
We have no doubt that South Caucasus as a region of inclusive economic
cooperation will be able to achieve much more than three states of the
region can dream of doing on their own. We believe in peace and
cooperation.
Southern Caucasus has always been sensitive of external
influences. Located at the crossroads of civilizations with vast
potential in resources and numerous transit roots, it has always been
a zone of increased interest. These considerations guided us in
forming our foreign policy of "complimentarity."
That policy is based on the concept of seeking advantages in softening
the contradictions of the global and regional powers, and not in
deepening the gaps. We are responsible for the regional stability and
our actions shall help to solve problems, instead of creating new
ones. That approach allowed us to develop trustworthy relations with
the United States, the European Union and Iran, and to strengthen the
traditional kinship with Russia.
In this context I would also like to concentrate on the Armenian
Turkish relations, or rather on their absence. Those relations are
shaded by the memories of the past: the Genocide, its consequences and
lack of repentance. Nowadays the situation is worsened by the blockade
of Armenia by Turkey. I would like to outline two principals which in
my view are crucial to finding the way out from this impasse. First
of all: Developing practical ties and deliberations over the inherited
problems shall take place in different dimensions and shall not
influence one the other.
Second: Armenian Turkish relations shall not be conditioned by our
relations with a third country (Azerbaijan). Any precondition
terminates all positive expectations.
Dear Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen: Concluding, I would like to
assure you that Armenia perceives its future in full scale integration
with the European family. A few days ago the European Union has
decided to include Armenia in its "new neighborhood" initiative. This
will further advance our resolve to satisfy the European criteria, to
be able to contribute and fully benefit from the cooperation between
our states and nations. We walk this road with deep belief and
confidence and we appreciate your efforts to help us in that uneasy
but crucial effort.
Thank you for your attention.
24.06.2004
YEREVAN (YERKIR) - Address by Armenian President Robert Kocharian at
the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.
Mr. President, Members of the Parliamentary Assembly, Ladies and
Gentlemen,
It is an honor and pleasure to address you. Last time I have addressed
the Assembly on a very significant day for Armenia the day of
accession to the Council of Europe.
These were three demanding years of reforms that have touched upon all
the domains of life in our country and necessitated full time
employment of allour efforts.
Today I am here to announce that Armenia has fulfilled the vast
majority of its accession commitments. For the few outstanding ones,
there is a timetable agreed with a deadline fixed at the end of this
year. Still, if asked of the single most vital achievement I would
definitely answer: change in the perceptions in the Armenian society
about own future. The people of Armeniais now more involved in the
everyday life of the country. Formation of the Civil Society is on the
move.
Does this mean Armenia has achieved the desirable level of democratic
freedoms? The obvious answer is NO. Democracy has a long way to go in
any country with high poverty indicators. To assure fully inclusive
participation by the people in the democratic process, it is essential
to achieve at least minimal level of social guarantees. That is
precisely why we have strived to synchronize reforms in economy,
political system, judiciary and the social field.
In essence, Armenia has completed the process of dismantling the
former centralized system of power and economy, which allowed for a
total control over the society.
Armenian economy has undergone radical transformation both in terms of
activity fields and of property forms. The scope and depth of the
reforms allowed for a full scale enactment of market economy.
At present over 85% of Armenia's GDP is produced in private sector,
over 38% of it in small and medium enterprises. Annual GDP growth has
averaged at I2% for last three consecutive years, regardless of the
blockade implemented bytwo fellow members of this very organization.
That dynamic economic growth has allowed us to develop a long term
Poverty Elimination Strategy.
The first time in Armenia this governmental program was developed in
close cooperation with international financial institutions and also
with wide involvement of the society. That Strategy now guides us in
the political decision making and in choosing our budget priorities.
Fighting corruption is Yet another important step towards effective
democracy. The Government of Armenia watches corruption as a systemic
evil,which cannot be eradicated merely through rhetoric or a couple of
sampler prosecutions.
We concentrate on the systemic change aimed at ruling out the sources
of corruption. That is exactly why we have joined the GRECO group
where we canlearn from the experience of other states on combating
corruption. Through a wide discussion including the OSCE, we have
developed a comprehensive Anti corruption strategy. A few weeks ago I
have established an AntiCorruption Council.
As an urgent measure directed at eradication of corruption in Armenia
I shall prioritize the necessity of deepening the judicial reforms,
improvement in tax and customs administration, and formation of an
effective system of Civil Service. All these are key tools for
implementation of anti corruption policies.
In terms of a broader effort aimed at reducing corruption risks, I
would like to particularly mention the importance of establishing
competitive climate, predictability of governmental action,
simplification of procedures, transparency thereof and public
control. Those are our current priorities aimed at achieving the
sustainability of the reforms and irreversibility of the
democratization process in Armenia.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I know many of you wonder: what was happening in
Armenia last spring? What fostered the activity of the opposition that
surrogated the parliamentary work by revolutionary rallies? You are
right to wonder, since you have been all informed by the monitoring
group Rapporteurs who had visited Armenia only very recently, in
January, that there are significant advancements in fulfillingthe
commitments accepted at the accession. And you know that most of those
deal with advancing democracy.
Expert evaluations of Armenia by international financial institutes
are more than optimistic. Two digit figures of economic growth and
budgetary proficit, by default cannot fuel the revolutionary
atmosphere. Moreover, there are three full years before the next
parliamentary elections.
Therefore, there were no internal prerequisites for increase in
political activity. Accordingly, what has happened? The answer is
easy. The opposition, encouraged by the results of the "rose
revolution" in neighboring Georgia, decided to duplicate it in the
Armenian reality, which, however, had nothing in common with the
Georgian one.
They disregarded the fact that Armenia's economy, as opposite to
Georgian, undergoes dynamic advancement, the government is efficient,
and the democratic achievements are safeguarded by institutional
structures, including the law enforcement system capable of protecting
the public order.
The history has many times demonstrated that inspiration by foreign
revolutions never results in positive outcomes. Unfortunately,
learning often comes only from own experience. That also happened in
our case. The opposition left the parliament and unfolded street
activity.
They openly declared the goal: to destabilize the situation in the
country, cumulate the maximum possible number of participants in a
street action, surround the building of the Presidency and force me to
resign. Once the opposition witnessed lack of public interest towards
their action plan, they decided to increase the tension, most probably
to attract attention. They blocked the most loaded avenue of the city
of Yerevan.
That resulted in disruption of the traffic, prevented normal
functioning of the National Assembly, of the Administration of the
President and of the Constitutional Court. Four embassies, the
National Academy of Science and one of the biggest schools are located
at the same avenue. The organizers called on the public for
demonstrative disobedience. The police was left with no choice; the
public order was restored quickly, without any significant damage to
the health of the participants.
Necessity of implementation of similar police operations is always
regrettable. Still, authorities have to protect the society from
political extremists. It is particularly important in young
democracies, which still lack the advanced traditions of the political
and legal culture. Even more so when part of the population lives in
poverty and can be easily manipulated by populist rhetoric.
I would like to particularly mention that the parties comprising the
ruling coalition have many times offered cooperation to the
opposition. Unfortunately, those offers were rejected. The opposition
probably thinks that cooperation would undermine the revolutionary
temper of their supporters.
Our country is in the important stage of its advancement, and I am
confident that there are many directions that require non partisan
effort. We have offered the opposition to work together on the most
important issues the Constitutional reform and the new Electoral
Code. The offer is still valid,however the discussions shall be held
in the parliament, not in the street.
Ladies and gentlemen: I would now like to turn to another important
issue: the honoring of obligations by the new members of the Council
of Europe. May I remind you that most of the reforms to be implemented
by a new member are sensitive issues in domestic politics? Often,
implementation of the reforms clashes the inertiaof the public
opinion. In the case of Armenia examples of such issues are the
Constitutional reform, abolition of the death penalty and the new
Electoral legislation.
Active implementation of commitments by the authorities usually
results in increased internal tension and meets active resistance of
the opposition. For example, the parliamentary opposition of Armenia
openly contested the abolition of the death penalty and the new
edition of the Constitution, drafted in close cooperation with the
Venice Commission.
Honoring the obligations is a heavy political load accepted by the
entire country, not only by the authorities. Our application for
accession to the Council of Europe was signed by all the parliamentary
factions. In this Assembly the country is presented by the entire
parliamentary spectrum.
Therefore, the duty of honoring the obligations shall bind the
opposition as much as the government. One ought not purposefully fail
to comply with own obligations for the sole purpose of discrediting
the ruling political authorities in face of the Council of Europe.
I would never talk about all this if "not the recent resolution of the
Parliamentary Assembly on Armenia. I regret that some of our MPs drew
the PACE into that discussion. I am confident that the Council of
Europe is not the best choice for the place to practice the opposition
authority contention. For that purpose there is national parliament:
the main political mise en scene of Armenia.
Mr. Chairman: I would now like to turn to one of the priority interest
issues for Armenia. At the time of accession Armenia undertook to
make steps towards peaceful settlement of the Nagorno Karabagh
conflict. We have done so because we highly appreciate the necessity
of friendly relations among neighboring states. However, to be able to
effectively secure a long lasting solution, one needs to deeply
understand the essence of the conflict. I would like to outline two
important factors characteristic of the Karabagh conflict.
First of all: Karabagh has never been part of independent
Azerbaijan. At the time of collapse of the Soviet Union two states
were formed: the Azerbaijani Republic on the territory of Azerbaijan
Soviet Socialist Republic and Republic of Nagorno Karabagh on the
territory of the Nagorno Karabagh Autonomous Region. Establishment of
both these states has similar legal grounds. The territorial integrity
of Azerbaijan, henceforth, has nothing to do with theRepublic of
Nagorno Karabagh. We are ready to discuss the issue of settling that
conflict in the legal domain.
Second: the war of I992 94 was launched by the aggression of the Azeri
authorities, which attempted to implement ethnic cleansing of the
territoryof Nagorno Karabagh with the purpose of its annexation. The
situation in placetoday is the result of a selfless fight of the
Armenians of Nagorno Karabagh for survival on their own land. It is a
classical example of both the implementation of the right for self
determination and of misusing the "territorial integrity" concept as a
justification for ethnic cleansings.
The people of Karabagh has prevailed in it's strive for independent
life in an egalitarian society. Independence of Karabagh today has I6
years of history. An entire generation grew up there that can think
of no other status for the country. Nagorno Karabagh Republic today is
an established state, in essence meeting all of the Council of
Europe's membership criteria. It is the reality which cannot be
ignored. That is exactly why we insist on direct participation of
Nagorrio Karabagh in the negotiations, in which Armenia actively
participates.
The solution shall emerge from the substance of the conflict and not
from the perception of the possible strengthening of Azerbaijan
through future "oil money".
"Oil money" approach is the formula of confrontation and not of
compromise. Armenia is ready to continue and advance the cease fire
regime. We are ready for serious negotiations on a full scale solution
for the conflict. That is exactly why we have accepted two last
formulas of solution offered by the international mediators, which,
unfortunately, were denied by Azerbaijan.
It is difficult to overstate the importance of advancement of the
regional cooperation in the Southern Caucasus. There is a wide
spectrum for potential cooperation: from synchronization of
legislation to restoring the interconnected transportation systems and
to joint projects in the energy sector. We are confident that regional
cooperation is the right route to the settlement of conflicts.
We have no doubt that South Caucasus as a region of inclusive economic
cooperation will be able to achieve much more than three states of the
region can dream of doing on their own. We believe in peace and
cooperation.
Southern Caucasus has always been sensitive of external
influences. Located at the crossroads of civilizations with vast
potential in resources and numerous transit roots, it has always been
a zone of increased interest. These considerations guided us in
forming our foreign policy of "complimentarity."
That policy is based on the concept of seeking advantages in softening
the contradictions of the global and regional powers, and not in
deepening the gaps. We are responsible for the regional stability and
our actions shall help to solve problems, instead of creating new
ones. That approach allowed us to develop trustworthy relations with
the United States, the European Union and Iran, and to strengthen the
traditional kinship with Russia.
In this context I would also like to concentrate on the Armenian
Turkish relations, or rather on their absence. Those relations are
shaded by the memories of the past: the Genocide, its consequences and
lack of repentance. Nowadays the situation is worsened by the blockade
of Armenia by Turkey. I would like to outline two principals which in
my view are crucial to finding the way out from this impasse. First
of all: Developing practical ties and deliberations over the inherited
problems shall take place in different dimensions and shall not
influence one the other.
Second: Armenian Turkish relations shall not be conditioned by our
relations with a third country (Azerbaijan). Any precondition
terminates all positive expectations.
Dear Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen: Concluding, I would like to
assure you that Armenia perceives its future in full scale integration
with the European family. A few days ago the European Union has
decided to include Armenia in its "new neighborhood" initiative. This
will further advance our resolve to satisfy the European criteria, to
be able to contribute and fully benefit from the cooperation between
our states and nations. We walk this road with deep belief and
confidence and we appreciate your efforts to help us in that uneasy
but crucial effort.
Thank you for your attention.