Tweet
Freedom House Says 'New Divide' Formalized By EU Expansion
By Ron Synovitz
Radio Free Europe, Czech Republic
May 25 2004
EU: Reuniting and dividing?
Freedom House, a U.S.-based pro-democracy group, has issued its
latest annual report as part of an ongoing, decade-old study on
democratic transition in the former communist world. RFE/RL takes a
closer look at the "Nations in Transit 2004" report.
Prague, 25 May 2004 (RFE/RL) -- Freedom House, a U.S.-based group
that monitors democracy around the world, says there is a widening
"democracy gap" between the European Union and former communist
states further east that continue to lag behind on reforms.
Freedom House released its report, "Nations in Transit 2004," in New
York late yesterday. The report says the enlargement of the European
Union on 1 May has formalized a "new divide" between the stable
democracies of Central Europe and the Baltics on the one hand, and
reform laggards further to the east on the other."Freedom House found
that the non-Baltic post-Soviet states have regressed over the life
of the study. Russia has registered the most significant decline in
scores since last year, with Azerbaijan, Moldova, and Ukraine also
showing significant downturns."
Kristie Evenson is the director of Freedom House's Budapest office.
She explains that the latest report is part of an ongoing study that
began nearly 10 years ago.
"The 'Nations in Transit' study is an attempt to be systematic at
looking at the transition process in Central and Southeast Europe and
in the Eurasia region. The study has a consistent set of methodology
-- or a framework -- which looks at key areas of political
development. Everything from media, to 'free and fair elections,' to
differences in judicial reform, etc. The study is a good way to begin
benchmarking progress, or [a lack of progress], in areas which have
been determined to be important for overall reform and democratic
transition," Evenson said.
The methodology Evenson refers to includes a "democracy score" based
on a 1-7 scale. The democracy score is an average of subcategory
ratings that Freedom House researchers have given each country after
reviewing electoral processes, civil society, independent media,
governance, corruption and legal frameworks.
A score of 1 represents the highest possible level of democratic
development in a particular country, while a score of 7 represents
the lowest score.
Evenson tells RFE/RL that the most recent report in the ongoing study
reveals there have been regressions on democratic reforms in most
former Soviet republics.
"Freedom House found that the non-Baltic post-Soviet states have
regressed over the life of the study. Russia has registered the most
significant decline in scores since last year, with Azerbaijan,
Moldova, and Ukraine also showing significant downturns. Continued
poor performance was documented throughout the Central Asian
countries, which include some key U.S. allies. The editor of the
'Nations in Transit' report, Amanda Schnetzer, says that while there
were some bright spots in the past year -- especially in Georgia --
the longer-term outlook for democracy in the non-Baltic former Soviet
states remains bleak," Evenson said.
Although Russia's democracy score of 5.25 was a better ranking than
Belarus (6.54), Azerbaijan (5.63), and all five former Soviet
republics in Central Asia (ranging from 5.67 to 6.8), Evenson says
Freedom House remains concerned about democratic regression in
Russia.
"Worrisome setbacks in Russia continue. It's been noted [that there
has been] a backslide in key areas of democratic practice. According
to our 'Nations in Transit 2004' [report], President [Vladimir]
Putin's policies have sought to centralize power, leaving little room
for a vibrant civil society, independent media or political
opposition. While Russia has emphasized the importance it places on
maintaining strong ties to the West, it is headed in an increasingly
authoritarian direction," Evenson said.
Armenia's score of 5.0 reflects what Freedom House calls a worsening
of the ratings for electoral process and independent media. That
score reflects serious irregularities that were noted by
international observers at presidential and parliamentary elections
last year.
By comparison, Georgia's overall score of 4.83 includes criticism of
what Freedom House calls "fraudulent parliamentary elections" last
year. But Evenson notes that the readiness of the Georgian people to
mobilize peacefully and defend democratic values has resulted in an
improved rating for civil society in Georgia.
"'Nations in Transit 2004' suggests some cause for concern regarding
Armenia's democratic trajectory, particularly in the areas of free
and fair elections, independent media, and human rights. Georgia's
performance since the 'Rose Revolution' of last November suggests
more promise in this regard," Evenson said.
Out of all the countries examined, Turkmenistan received the lowest
overall score with 6.88. It was followed closely by Belarus with
6.54; Uzbekistan with 6.46; Kazakhstan with 6.25; Tajikistan with
5.71; and Kyrgyzstan with 5.67.
"Freedom House Executive Director Jennifer Windsor says that Western
leaders must renew efforts to support political and economic reform
in the postcommunist countries,” Evenson says. “At the same time,
they must press slow-to-reform governments harder for tangible
improvements in securing basic rights, promoting free and independent
media, supporting the rule of law, and introducing effective and
transparent governance."
In the final analysis, Freedom House says that the findings of this
year's "Nations in Transit" study make clear that much remains to be
done to extend the benefits of liberal democracy and free markets to
the majority of postcommunist countries in Europe and Eurasia.
Here are the democracy scores published by the Freedom House for the
non-Baltic former Soviet republics and some of the reasons given for
the rating.
Belarus (6.54) -- "Belarus saw its ratings worsen in two 'Nations in
Transit' categories: civil society and corruption. Local elections in
March 2003 were conducted as a largely ceremonial event and
predictably confirmed the political hegemony of the president. The
government intensified its attacks on civil society and the
independent press, and introduced a new 'state ideology' that had a
particularly negative impact on academic freedoms. The government has
failed to address the spread of corruption in the public sector, and
the public's perception of corruption has increased considerably."
Russia (5.25) -- "Russia experienced the greatest overall decline of
any country covered in 'Nations in Transit 2004,' with ratings
worsening in five out of six categories covered by the study. The
December 2003 State Duma elections capped a year in which the central
government continued to tighten its grip over all aspects of Russian
political life. The authorities used public resources and
state-funded personnel to guarantee the overwhelming victory of the
pro-Kremlin party in elections to the lower house. As Putin continues
to crack down on all sources of opposition and to limit public space
and debate, he will undermine the very democratic institutions and
practices that could help the country deal with the enormous
challenges it faces."
Moldova (4.88) -- "Democratic practice in Moldova continued to
decline in the period covered by 'Nations in Transit 2004,' with the
country receiving worsening ratings in the areas of electoral
process, civil society, independent media, and governance. The ruling
Communist Party achieved victory in flawed local and regional
elections in 2003. Overall public support for the party actually
slipped during the year, but the opposition remained fragmented and
lacking in resources. Efforts to settle the Transdniestrian conflict
continued, but Russia failed to comply with commitments to withdraw
its armaments and munitions from the breakaway region. The
persistence of weak governance, widespread corruption, and a fragile
system of checks and balances also marked the year."
Ukraine (4.88) -- "Political life in 2003 was guided by the upcoming
2004 presidential election. Growing pressure against opposition
parties and politically active NGOs, a persistent lack of
transparency in policy making, and the presidential administration's
efforts to pressure Parliament, the Cabinet, and the courts led to
ratings declines in four out of six areas covered by 'Nations in
Transit.' President Leonid Kuchma sought guarantees that he will not
face criminal proceedings if he leaves office and pursued changes to
the Constitution that would limit the authority of any future
president and/or eliminate direct presidential elections."
Azerbaijan (5.63) -- "With events in 2003 once again highlighting the
authoritarian nature of government in Azerbaijan and the extent of
government control over civil society and the media, the country
received declining ratings in four out of six categories covered by
'Nations in Transit.' President Heydar Aliyev's public collapse and
subsequent health problems in 2003 ended his rule. Internal fissures
in the government were muted as President Aliyev's son Ilham was
appointed prime minister and became the ruling party's presidential
candidate. Cracks within the opposition could not be similarly
bridged. The opposition's claims of electoral fraud and its refusal
to accept the official election results resulted in violent clashes
with the authorities. Government efforts to exert greater control
over civil society and the media were also evident."
Armenia (5.00) -- "Armenia's ratings for electoral process and
independent media worsened in 'Nations in Transit 2004.'
International observers noted serious irregularities in presidential
and parliamentary elections in 2003. The authorities also failed to
ensure that the country's leading independent media organizations
were able to resume broadcasting before the elections. Media freedom
was further threatened by the inclusion of strict libel laws within
Armenia's new criminal code. International organizations continued to
highlight human rights abuses, but welcomed the abolition of the
death penalty. Corruption and weak governance remained serious
threats to Armenia's democratic development."
Georgia (4.83) -- "Fraudulent parliamentary elections in 2003, and
the ensuing political crisis that culminated in President Eduard
Shevardnadze's resignation may constitute a turning point in the
development of Georgian democracy. Although this change of power
demonstrated the fragility of Georgia's democratic institutions, the
events also showed the readiness of the people to mobilize in a
peaceful and organized way to defend democratic values, thus leading
to an improvement in the country's 'Nations in Transit' rating for
civil society. This, as well as strong leadership by the opposition,
the independent media, and civil society, factored heavily in the
success of the 'Rose Revolution.' The incoming government was fast to
reestablish public order, working within the limits of the
Constitution. Nations in Transit ratings declines in the areas of
governance and corruption suggest the extent of the challenges
ahead."
Turkmenistan (6.88) -- "Fallout from the 2002 assassination attempt
against President Saparmurat Niyazov continued in 2003. The country's
economy weakened further, despite claims by the government to the
contrary. Political oppression, already severe, further increased.
And the country's international relations with neighbors and major
powers in the region deteriorated. Overall, prospects for the
country's future remained depressing. Turkmenistan's governance
rating worsened in 'Nations in Transit 2004' owing to President
Niyazov's continued efforts to make government officials and
institutions operate only at his behest."
Uzbekistan (6.46) -- "In 2003, Uzbekistan remained one of the most
authoritarian countries to emerge from the Soviet Union. Controls
over the media continued to stifle freedom of expression.
Administrative functioning remained excessively politicized. The
absence of judicial independence continued to present serious
impediments to commerce and liberty. And flagrant violations of human
rights called into question Uzbek government commitments to
international standards of promises of lasting reforms."
Kazakhstan (6.25) -- "Kazakhstan's ratings for independent media and
corruption worsened in 'Nations in Transit 2004.' The elections for
local councils in September enabled the regime to install its favored
candidates, who will play a crucial role in securing a favorable
outcome in the elections of the lower house in 2004. Although the
government withdrew a draft law that ambiguously defined NGOs and
restricted their ability to accept foreign funding, no noticeable
improvement took place in the civil sector in 2003. The government
refused to release the highly regarded journalist Sergei Duvanov from
prison. The president and close family members continue to wield
control over all key positions within the government and economic
sector."
Tajikistan (5.71) -- "A June 2003 plebiscite paved the way for
constitutional amendments that allow President Emomali Rakhmonov to
stand for reelection for two additional seven-year terms. The flawed
nature of the referendum resulted in a worsening of Tajikistan's
'Nations in Transit' rating for electoral process. Corruption and a
lack of confidence in the market and the state continued to scare
away the levels of international capital required for a full economic
recovery, leading to a 'Nations in Transit' ratings decline for
corruption. However, the government did make progress in securing the
country from banditry, hostage taking, and terrorism, as reflected in
a slight 'Nations in Transit' rating improvement for governance."
Kyrgyzstan (5.67) -- "In 2003, the opposition demanded President
[Askar] Akayev's resignation over the 2002 killing of unarmed
opposition demonstrators in the southern town of Kerben. Various
opposition groups and parties united for the first time in criticism
of Akayev's policies and widespread corruption among his cronies.
After Parliament adopted a law granting Akayev lifetime immunity, the
president confirmed he would step down in 2005. Attacks on the media
continued, and the country's governance system remained ineffective
and unaccountable."
By Ron Synovitz
Radio Free Europe, Czech Republic
May 25 2004
EU: Reuniting and dividing?
Freedom House, a U.S.-based pro-democracy group, has issued its
latest annual report as part of an ongoing, decade-old study on
democratic transition in the former communist world. RFE/RL takes a
closer look at the "Nations in Transit 2004" report.
Prague, 25 May 2004 (RFE/RL) -- Freedom House, a U.S.-based group
that monitors democracy around the world, says there is a widening
"democracy gap" between the European Union and former communist
states further east that continue to lag behind on reforms.
Freedom House released its report, "Nations in Transit 2004," in New
York late yesterday. The report says the enlargement of the European
Union on 1 May has formalized a "new divide" between the stable
democracies of Central Europe and the Baltics on the one hand, and
reform laggards further to the east on the other."Freedom House found
that the non-Baltic post-Soviet states have regressed over the life
of the study. Russia has registered the most significant decline in
scores since last year, with Azerbaijan, Moldova, and Ukraine also
showing significant downturns."
Kristie Evenson is the director of Freedom House's Budapest office.
She explains that the latest report is part of an ongoing study that
began nearly 10 years ago.
"The 'Nations in Transit' study is an attempt to be systematic at
looking at the transition process in Central and Southeast Europe and
in the Eurasia region. The study has a consistent set of methodology
-- or a framework -- which looks at key areas of political
development. Everything from media, to 'free and fair elections,' to
differences in judicial reform, etc. The study is a good way to begin
benchmarking progress, or [a lack of progress], in areas which have
been determined to be important for overall reform and democratic
transition," Evenson said.
The methodology Evenson refers to includes a "democracy score" based
on a 1-7 scale. The democracy score is an average of subcategory
ratings that Freedom House researchers have given each country after
reviewing electoral processes, civil society, independent media,
governance, corruption and legal frameworks.
A score of 1 represents the highest possible level of democratic
development in a particular country, while a score of 7 represents
the lowest score.
Evenson tells RFE/RL that the most recent report in the ongoing study
reveals there have been regressions on democratic reforms in most
former Soviet republics.
"Freedom House found that the non-Baltic post-Soviet states have
regressed over the life of the study. Russia has registered the most
significant decline in scores since last year, with Azerbaijan,
Moldova, and Ukraine also showing significant downturns. Continued
poor performance was documented throughout the Central Asian
countries, which include some key U.S. allies. The editor of the
'Nations in Transit' report, Amanda Schnetzer, says that while there
were some bright spots in the past year -- especially in Georgia --
the longer-term outlook for democracy in the non-Baltic former Soviet
states remains bleak," Evenson said.
Although Russia's democracy score of 5.25 was a better ranking than
Belarus (6.54), Azerbaijan (5.63), and all five former Soviet
republics in Central Asia (ranging from 5.67 to 6.8), Evenson says
Freedom House remains concerned about democratic regression in
Russia.
"Worrisome setbacks in Russia continue. It's been noted [that there
has been] a backslide in key areas of democratic practice. According
to our 'Nations in Transit 2004' [report], President [Vladimir]
Putin's policies have sought to centralize power, leaving little room
for a vibrant civil society, independent media or political
opposition. While Russia has emphasized the importance it places on
maintaining strong ties to the West, it is headed in an increasingly
authoritarian direction," Evenson said.
Armenia's score of 5.0 reflects what Freedom House calls a worsening
of the ratings for electoral process and independent media. That
score reflects serious irregularities that were noted by
international observers at presidential and parliamentary elections
last year.
By comparison, Georgia's overall score of 4.83 includes criticism of
what Freedom House calls "fraudulent parliamentary elections" last
year. But Evenson notes that the readiness of the Georgian people to
mobilize peacefully and defend democratic values has resulted in an
improved rating for civil society in Georgia.
"'Nations in Transit 2004' suggests some cause for concern regarding
Armenia's democratic trajectory, particularly in the areas of free
and fair elections, independent media, and human rights. Georgia's
performance since the 'Rose Revolution' of last November suggests
more promise in this regard," Evenson said.
Out of all the countries examined, Turkmenistan received the lowest
overall score with 6.88. It was followed closely by Belarus with
6.54; Uzbekistan with 6.46; Kazakhstan with 6.25; Tajikistan with
5.71; and Kyrgyzstan with 5.67.
"Freedom House Executive Director Jennifer Windsor says that Western
leaders must renew efforts to support political and economic reform
in the postcommunist countries,” Evenson says. “At the same time,
they must press slow-to-reform governments harder for tangible
improvements in securing basic rights, promoting free and independent
media, supporting the rule of law, and introducing effective and
transparent governance."
In the final analysis, Freedom House says that the findings of this
year's "Nations in Transit" study make clear that much remains to be
done to extend the benefits of liberal democracy and free markets to
the majority of postcommunist countries in Europe and Eurasia.
Here are the democracy scores published by the Freedom House for the
non-Baltic former Soviet republics and some of the reasons given for
the rating.
Belarus (6.54) -- "Belarus saw its ratings worsen in two 'Nations in
Transit' categories: civil society and corruption. Local elections in
March 2003 were conducted as a largely ceremonial event and
predictably confirmed the political hegemony of the president. The
government intensified its attacks on civil society and the
independent press, and introduced a new 'state ideology' that had a
particularly negative impact on academic freedoms. The government has
failed to address the spread of corruption in the public sector, and
the public's perception of corruption has increased considerably."
Russia (5.25) -- "Russia experienced the greatest overall decline of
any country covered in 'Nations in Transit 2004,' with ratings
worsening in five out of six categories covered by the study. The
December 2003 State Duma elections capped a year in which the central
government continued to tighten its grip over all aspects of Russian
political life. The authorities used public resources and
state-funded personnel to guarantee the overwhelming victory of the
pro-Kremlin party in elections to the lower house. As Putin continues
to crack down on all sources of opposition and to limit public space
and debate, he will undermine the very democratic institutions and
practices that could help the country deal with the enormous
challenges it faces."
Moldova (4.88) -- "Democratic practice in Moldova continued to
decline in the period covered by 'Nations in Transit 2004,' with the
country receiving worsening ratings in the areas of electoral
process, civil society, independent media, and governance. The ruling
Communist Party achieved victory in flawed local and regional
elections in 2003. Overall public support for the party actually
slipped during the year, but the opposition remained fragmented and
lacking in resources. Efforts to settle the Transdniestrian conflict
continued, but Russia failed to comply with commitments to withdraw
its armaments and munitions from the breakaway region. The
persistence of weak governance, widespread corruption, and a fragile
system of checks and balances also marked the year."
Ukraine (4.88) -- "Political life in 2003 was guided by the upcoming
2004 presidential election. Growing pressure against opposition
parties and politically active NGOs, a persistent lack of
transparency in policy making, and the presidential administration's
efforts to pressure Parliament, the Cabinet, and the courts led to
ratings declines in four out of six areas covered by 'Nations in
Transit.' President Leonid Kuchma sought guarantees that he will not
face criminal proceedings if he leaves office and pursued changes to
the Constitution that would limit the authority of any future
president and/or eliminate direct presidential elections."
Azerbaijan (5.63) -- "With events in 2003 once again highlighting the
authoritarian nature of government in Azerbaijan and the extent of
government control over civil society and the media, the country
received declining ratings in four out of six categories covered by
'Nations in Transit.' President Heydar Aliyev's public collapse and
subsequent health problems in 2003 ended his rule. Internal fissures
in the government were muted as President Aliyev's son Ilham was
appointed prime minister and became the ruling party's presidential
candidate. Cracks within the opposition could not be similarly
bridged. The opposition's claims of electoral fraud and its refusal
to accept the official election results resulted in violent clashes
with the authorities. Government efforts to exert greater control
over civil society and the media were also evident."
Armenia (5.00) -- "Armenia's ratings for electoral process and
independent media worsened in 'Nations in Transit 2004.'
International observers noted serious irregularities in presidential
and parliamentary elections in 2003. The authorities also failed to
ensure that the country's leading independent media organizations
were able to resume broadcasting before the elections. Media freedom
was further threatened by the inclusion of strict libel laws within
Armenia's new criminal code. International organizations continued to
highlight human rights abuses, but welcomed the abolition of the
death penalty. Corruption and weak governance remained serious
threats to Armenia's democratic development."
Georgia (4.83) -- "Fraudulent parliamentary elections in 2003, and
the ensuing political crisis that culminated in President Eduard
Shevardnadze's resignation may constitute a turning point in the
development of Georgian democracy. Although this change of power
demonstrated the fragility of Georgia's democratic institutions, the
events also showed the readiness of the people to mobilize in a
peaceful and organized way to defend democratic values, thus leading
to an improvement in the country's 'Nations in Transit' rating for
civil society. This, as well as strong leadership by the opposition,
the independent media, and civil society, factored heavily in the
success of the 'Rose Revolution.' The incoming government was fast to
reestablish public order, working within the limits of the
Constitution. Nations in Transit ratings declines in the areas of
governance and corruption suggest the extent of the challenges
ahead."
Turkmenistan (6.88) -- "Fallout from the 2002 assassination attempt
against President Saparmurat Niyazov continued in 2003. The country's
economy weakened further, despite claims by the government to the
contrary. Political oppression, already severe, further increased.
And the country's international relations with neighbors and major
powers in the region deteriorated. Overall, prospects for the
country's future remained depressing. Turkmenistan's governance
rating worsened in 'Nations in Transit 2004' owing to President
Niyazov's continued efforts to make government officials and
institutions operate only at his behest."
Uzbekistan (6.46) -- "In 2003, Uzbekistan remained one of the most
authoritarian countries to emerge from the Soviet Union. Controls
over the media continued to stifle freedom of expression.
Administrative functioning remained excessively politicized. The
absence of judicial independence continued to present serious
impediments to commerce and liberty. And flagrant violations of human
rights called into question Uzbek government commitments to
international standards of promises of lasting reforms."
Kazakhstan (6.25) -- "Kazakhstan's ratings for independent media and
corruption worsened in 'Nations in Transit 2004.' The elections for
local councils in September enabled the regime to install its favored
candidates, who will play a crucial role in securing a favorable
outcome in the elections of the lower house in 2004. Although the
government withdrew a draft law that ambiguously defined NGOs and
restricted their ability to accept foreign funding, no noticeable
improvement took place in the civil sector in 2003. The government
refused to release the highly regarded journalist Sergei Duvanov from
prison. The president and close family members continue to wield
control over all key positions within the government and economic
sector."
Tajikistan (5.71) -- "A June 2003 plebiscite paved the way for
constitutional amendments that allow President Emomali Rakhmonov to
stand for reelection for two additional seven-year terms. The flawed
nature of the referendum resulted in a worsening of Tajikistan's
'Nations in Transit' rating for electoral process. Corruption and a
lack of confidence in the market and the state continued to scare
away the levels of international capital required for a full economic
recovery, leading to a 'Nations in Transit' ratings decline for
corruption. However, the government did make progress in securing the
country from banditry, hostage taking, and terrorism, as reflected in
a slight 'Nations in Transit' rating improvement for governance."
Kyrgyzstan (5.67) -- "In 2003, the opposition demanded President
[Askar] Akayev's resignation over the 2002 killing of unarmed
opposition demonstrators in the southern town of Kerben. Various
opposition groups and parties united for the first time in criticism
of Akayev's policies and widespread corruption among his cronies.
After Parliament adopted a law granting Akayev lifetime immunity, the
president confirmed he would step down in 2005. Attacks on the media
continued, and the country's governance system remained ineffective
and unaccountable."