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By the World Forgot: Realpolitik and the Armenian Genocide

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  • By the World Forgot: Realpolitik and the Armenian Genocide

    By the World Forgot: Realpolitik and the Armenian Genocide
    By Nir Eisikovits

    Commentary

    In The National Interest
    September 1, 2004

    Between 1915 and 1916, through a campaign of slaughter and deportation,
    the nationalist 'Young Turk' government of the Ottoman Empire
    killed over 1 Million Armenians. To this day, Turkey refuses to
    accept responsibility for this genocide, claiming that the number of
    casualties was far smaller and that most had been killed in fighting
    between the parties rather than in one-sided massacres. It seems
    that Turkish genocide-deniers are now receiving assistance from an
    unexpected source. In a recent article, the Israeli daily Haaretz
    reported that several Jewish groups in Washington have been involved
    in blocking attempts to procure Congressional recognition of the
    atrocities.

    This involvement was much more proactive last year than it is now, but,
    to quote the article, "a central activist in a Jewish organization
    involved in this matter clarified that if necessary, he would not
    hesitate to again exert pressure to ensure the resolution is not
    passed and the Turks remain satisfied." Surprising? Not really. Israel
    has systematically refrained from recognizing the extermination
    of Armenians. Senior officials, including former foreign minister
    Shimon Peres, have spoken of a "tragedy," which "cannot be compared to
    genocide." The position taken by Israel and some Jewish organizations
    is animated by two considerations. One has to do with the uniqueness
    of the Holocaust. The other is pure realpolitik. Let us examine these
    in turn.

    Recognizing the Armenian genocide, so the first argument goes, could
    eclipse the singular magnitude of the crimes perpetrated against
    the Jews during World War II.[1] This claim is both morally warped
    and empirically unfounded. It is morally warped, because we Jews do
    not have a monopoly on pain. Our catastrophes are not in a separate
    category; we do not feel any more agony for the obliteration of our
    families than others do. When Armenians are pricked, they bleed;
    when they are poisoned they die.[2] If human suffering is essentially
    democratic, Jews cannot, simultaneously, attack those who deny the
    Holocaust and assist others who deny the Armenian genocide. The concern
    for the legacy of the Holocaust is empirically unfounded, because
    other cases of genocide have been recognized without the Holocaust
    being forgotten or sidelined. The massacres by the Khmer Rouge in
    Cambodia and the Tutsi by the Hutu in Rwanda are now universally
    acknowledged. Such recognition has not eclipsed the discussion of
    Nazi atrocities. It has, rather, served as a reminder that human
    cruelty is as much a reality now as it was in 1915 and 1939.

    As for realpolitik, Israel sees Turkey as an all-important
    strategic ally in the Middle East - a moderate democratic Muslim
    state in a region where both moderation and democracy are in
    short supply. Thus, keeping the Turks happy is taken to be an
    essential Israeli interest. Two observations are in order. First,
    the appeasement of Turkey does not seem to be working. Prime Minister
    Recep Tayyip Erdogan has recently accused Israel of "state terrorism"
    and compared its policies towards Palestinians to the actions of the
    Spanish Inquisition against Jews. Turkey is said to have rolled back
    planned contracts to purchase military equipment from Israel and is
    now reconsidering a planned deal to transport 15 Million cubes of
    water annually to the water-poor Jewish State. Apparently we have
    sold our moral integrity in vain. Second, realism in international
    affairs, with all its merits, must be subordinate to a nation's most
    basic principles rather than dictate them. In the case of Israel, the
    most deep-seated of those principles is that the state was founded as
    a barrier against genocide, as a safe-haven for Jews the world over
    to protect them from future persecution. The refusal to recognize
    other cases of genocide undermines this fundamental tenet. It provides
    invaluable ammunition to those who claim that history is written by the
    victors. If that position takes hold, no group, including the Jews,
    would ever be safe from hounding, and Israel would have undermined
    the main reason for its own existence.

    On August 22, 1939, days before the Nazis invaded Poland, Hitler
    addressed his military chiefs in Obersalzburg. "The aim of war is not
    to reach definite lines," he told them "but to annihilate the enemy
    physically. It is by this means that we shall obtain the vital living
    space that we need." He then went on to ask them a rhetorical question:
    "Who today still speaks of the massacre of the Armenians?" The Israeli
    government, for one, does not. History, it would seem, has a cruel
    sense of humor.


    Nir Eisikovits, an Israeli attorney, is completing his Ph.D. in legal
    and political philosophy at Boston University.

    NOTES

    [1] In early 2002, after Israeli ambassador to Georgia and Armenia
    Rivka Cohen rejected any comparison between the Holocaust and the
    Armenian Genocide, Israel's foreign ministry released a statement
    including the following text: " ...Israel asserted that the Holocaust
    was a singular event in human history and was a premeditated crime
    against the Jewish people. Israel recognizes the tragedy of the
    Armenians and the plight of the Armenian people. However, the events
    cannot be compared to genocide. This does not in any way diminish
    the magnitude of the tragedy."

    [2] W. Shakespeare, Merchant of Venice, Act 3, Scene 1.

    http://inthenationalinterest.com/Articles/Vol3Issue35/Vol3Issue35Eisikovits.html
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