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  • Turkish Volunteers in Chechnya

    Turkish Volunteers in Chechnya

    In-Depth Analysis of the War on Terror

    TERRORISM MONITOR
    The Jamestown Foundation
    7 April 2005
    Volume III, Issue 7

    By Brian Glyn Williams, with Feyza Altindag

    For several years Kremlin spokespersons have identified Turkey as the
    primary source of foreign jihadi volunteers (always referred to as
    naemniky, "mercenaries" in official proclamations) fighting alongside
    their Chechen adversaries. One spokesman claimed "We keep killing armed
    Turkish citizens on Chechen territory" and another described Turkey as
    "a record breaker for producing foreign mercenaries killed in Chechnya."
    [1] While skeptics might be tempted to dismiss such claims as mere
    bluster in light of Turkey's well known secular tendencies, the evidence
    is mounting that Turkish volunteer fighters make up a sizeable component
    of the foreign element fighting alongside the indigenous Chechen
    insurgents in Russia.

    While it is widely recognized that the 100-200 foreign jihadis fighting
    alongside the approximately 1,200 Chechen insurgents are led by Arab
    emirs (commanders) such as the slain Amir Khattab (a Saudi whose mother
    was Turkish according to jihadist websites), Abu Walid (Saudi killed
    April 2004), and Abu Hafs al Urdani (aka "Amjet" a Jordanian), the
    Russian government has consistently maintained that Turks play a
    prominent role among the foreign "terrorists" in Chechnya. [2]

    To support their claims, Russian security services have produced Turkish
    passports found on the bodies of several slain fighters and have given
    the names and personal details of Turkish jihadis killed in Chechnya.
    Among others, Russian spokespersons referenced one Ziya Pece, a Turk who
    was found dead with a grenade launcher following a fire fight with
    Federal forces. Russian officials have also provided detailed
    information on 24 Turkish fighters killed between 1999 and 2004, and
    Russian soldiers in Chechnya have spoken of engaging a unit of 40
    skilled Turkish fighters. [3] If this were not compelling enough
    evidence, Russian security forces have also produced a living Turkish
    jihadi named Ali Yaman who was captured in the Chechen village of Gekhi-Chu.

    A Turkish Platoon in Chechnya

    Surprisingly, this evidence is not refuted by Chechen or Turkish jihadi
    sources and on the contrary has been corroborated on such forums as the
    kavkaz.org website produced by Arab and Chechen extremists linked to the
    field commander Shamil Basayev. The following excerpt from a kavkaz
    interview with a Turkish jihadi commander in Chechnya is illuminating
    and suggests the existence of a Turkish jamaat known as the "Ottoman
    platoon" in the Arab-dominated International Islamic Brigade (it also
    corroborates the above Russian claim that Federal forces have killed 24
    Turks in Chechnya):

    "Interview with the Chief of the Turkish Jamaat 'Osmanly' (Ottoman)
    fighting in Chechnya against the troops of Russian invaders, Amir
    (Commander) Muhtar, by the Kavkaz Center news agency:

    (Interviewer) Are there many Turks in Chechnya today? Some mass media
    were reporting that there are about 20 of you guys.

    (Amir Muhtar) Out of the first Jamaat that was fighting in 1995-1996
    seven mujahideen have remained. Back then there were 13 of us. They are
    actually the core of the Turkish jamaat in Chechnya today. Twenty-four
    Turks have already died in this war. Among them was Zachariah,
    Muhammed-Fatih, Halil...Three mujahideen became shaheeds (martyrs)
    during the battle with commandos from Pskov in the vicinity of
    Ulus-Kert. Some died before that in the battles in Jokhar (Grozny). Five
    were wounded." [4]

    In February 2004 a Turkish jihadi website devoted to Chechnya also
    announced the martyrdom (shehid olmak) of three Turkish mujahideen in
    just two weeks. [5] Another site that has been removed left the
    following account of the combat that led to the martyrdom of three
    Turkish jihadi fighters:

    "Last night we had news from verifiable sources that a group of Turkish
    mujahideen came across Russian soldiers north of Vedeno in a small
    village. After stumbling on them a fire fight ensued and one Algerian
    and three Turkish brothers died. The Algerian's name is Hassam and the
    Turkish brothers' names are Ebu Derda, Huzeyfe and Zennun. These
    brothers fought in Commander Ramazan's unit in the Dagestan conflict." [6]

    For several years now Turkish jihadi websites have actually been posting
    the martyrdom epitaphs of Turkish fighters who died in the Chechen
    cihad. Much of the jihadist rhetoric found on these Islamist sites will
    be familiar to those who follow the martyrdom obituaries of foreign
    jihadis who have died fighting in Kashmir, Iraq, Afghanistan and other
    conflict zones. The following account, for example, describes the fate
    of a Turkish fighter who followed the well worn path of roaming Turkish
    jihadis in the Balkans before being killed:

    "Shaheed Bilal Al-Qaiseri (Uthman Karkush). 23 years old from Qaiseri,
    Turkey. Martyred during the Withdrawal from Grozny, February 2000:

    Bilal fought for six months in Bosnia during 1995 from where he
    unsuccessfully attempted to travel to Chechnya. He went to fight for the
    Jihad in Kosova but returned after a month when the fighting ceased. He
    came to Chechnya in August 1999 where he participated in the Dagestan
    Operations in Botlikh. After the Mujahideen withdrew, he was planning to
    return to Turkey when Russia invaded Chechnya. He participated in the
    fighting in Argun and, subsequently, Grozny. Before and throughout
    Ramadan he cooked for the Mujahideen in his group. During the fighting
    he was distinguished for his bravery. After seeing a dream in which he
    was married, he decided to marry a Chechen, but Shahaadah (martyrdom)
    was destined for him instead. He was severely injured during the
    withdrawal from Grozny in the village of Katyr Yurt where his room
    received a direct hit from Russian Grad Artillery. He was later martyred
    from his injuries in the village of Shami Yurt."

    Ethnicity and Turkish jihad in Chechnya

    The following epitah, which describes a Turkish martyr "with some
    Chechen ancestry" speaks of a deeper and less obvious current in the
    Turkish jihadi movement that delineates Turkish volunteer fighters from
    the majority of trans-national Arab jihadis fighting in Chechnya:

    "Shamil (Afooq Qainar). 25 years old from Istanbul, Turkey.

    Martyred in Grozny, November 1999:

    With some Chechen ancestory, he deeply loved Chechnya and was more often
    alongside Chechens than Turks. He had also participated in the Chechen
    Jihad of 1996-99. With his good manners, polite demeanor and modesty, he
    got along well with everyone. He also took part in the Dagestan Jihad in
    the Novalak Region where, notably, his group fought their way out of a
    Russian siege at a cost of 25 Shaheed (martyrs). He was martyred in the
    second month of this War (November 1999) in Grozny." [7]

    While it might be overlooked, the fact that the slain Shamil is, like
    many of his compatriots, of Chechen extraction, is of tremendous
    importance. It would seem that many Turks who volunteer to fight on the
    behalf of the Chechens do so because they have ethnic origins in the
    Caucasus region or identify with the Chechens as irkdashlar (kin).

    In the 19th century, Tsarist Russia instigated a brutal policy of ethnic
    cleansing that saw tens of thousands of indigenous Caucasian highlanders
    expelled to Anatolia. While public expressions of Laz, Circassian,
    Kosovar, Bosniak, Tatar and Chechen ethnic identity were subsequently
    discouraged in officially homogenous Republican Turkey, folk traditions
    such as the famous Caucasian highlander sword dances, Albanian borek
    (pastry), Crimean Tatar destans (legends), and ritualized commemoration
    of past victimization at the hands of Russians, Serbs, Bulgarians and
    others continued.

    It was only with the liberalization of Turkey under President Turgut
    Ozal in the early 1990s that these historical sub-ethnic grievances
    could be expressed in the public sphere. As this unprecedented
    celebration of ethnicity and commemoration of past repression took place
    in a liberalizing Turkey, Turks were confronted with horrifying images
    from the Balkans and Caucasus. Stories of rape camps in Bosnia, mass
    graves in Kosovo, and televised images of columns of pitiful Chechen
    refugees in Russia struck many Turks as a replay of the apocalyptic
    destruction of millions of Balkan-Caucasian-Ukrainian Muslims by
    Orthodox Christians in the 19th century.

    As a result, informants interviewed by the author in Turkey in the
    summer of 2004 claimed that many young men from villages in Eastern
    Turkey inhabited by people of Caucasian origin were told by their family
    patriarchs to go and fight for their honor, faith, and ancestral
    homeland in Chechnya. Moreover, with the advent of the internet in
    Turkey, gruesome images of horribly mutilated Chechen women and
    children, mass burials and vandalized mosques appeared on Islamist and
    secular-nationalist websites alike and enraged many traditionalists in
    the country. In this climate, both nationalists and religious extremists
    exploited many Turks' sense of ethnic or religious solidarity with their
    Chechen "brothers and sisters" and invoked strong feelings of namus (a
    traditional sense of machismo, pride and honor among Turks that comes
    from the defense of faith, family, motherland, and honor of one's women).

    Like the Turks who continue to fight and die in Chechnya, the websites
    that glorify the defense of the Chechens run the gamut from the
    anti-American/Zionist rhetoric of the Islamists to the nationalist
    irredentism of the Pan-Turkists. But the latter predominate. [8] The
    pro-Chechen websites with an ethnic dimension tend to feature images of
    Turks wearing traditional Caucasian folk costumes and 19th century
    anti-Russian heroes. Others with a slightly more nationalist bent (such
    as www.kafka.4t.com/photos.html) blend images of Ataturk and Alparslan
    Turkes (the founder of the Turkish Boz Kurt-Grey Wolves extreme
    nationalist party) with images from Chechnya. As these sites make clear,
    many Turks who fight in Chechnya are engaging in the same sort of
    volunteerism that led Albanian Americans to go fight in Kosovo in 1999
    under the auspices of Homeland Calling and other widely recognized
    diasporic organizations.

    This ethnic diaspora narrative might also explain some of the Arab
    jihadi participation in Chechnya. Many Chechen refugees settled in
    Ottoman Jordan following their expulsion from Russia in the 19th
    century. Jordanian Arabs of Chechen extraction, such as the influential
    Sheikh Muhammad Fatih, have played an important role in the Chechen
    jihad as warriors, preachers, and fund raisers.

    Notwithstanding the involvement of Turks in the Chechen conflict, it
    would be erroneous to interpret this as proof that secular Turkey faces
    a serious Islamist problem. Turkish jihadis who have fought in Chechnya
    have found the Wahhabi Puritanism of their Arab jihadi comrades-in-arms
    unsettling, and many secular Turks partake in "jihad tours" simply to
    gain prestige at home in their tight knit families or neighborhoods. In
    addition, the vast majority of Turks interviewed tended to view Chechens
    as "terrorists" who reminded them of the hated Kurdish PKK/Kadek militants.

    Finally, the involvement of two Turkish extremists (Azad Ekinci and
    Habib Akdas) who had a history of jihadi activity in Chechnya in the
    bloody al-Qaeda bombings in Istanbul in November 2003 further undermined
    the Chechen cause in the country. [9] Indeed for all the romantic
    notions, some Turks have of volunteering to fight on behalf of the
    Chechens, the carnage wreaked on innocent Turks by El Kaide Turka
    (Turkish al-Qaeda) clearly demonstrates that jihadism has a potentially
    unpredictable effect on those who are attracted to it.


    Dr. Brian Glyn Williams is assistant professor of Islamic History at the
    University of Massachusetts-Dartmouth.

    Notes:

    1. "Turkish fighter killed in Chechnya." Aljazeera.net
    http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/571DBFAB-CF71-4F5E-8498-C975A0FA8810.htm;

    "Most Foreign Mercenaries Killed in Chechnya are Turks." RIA Novosti.
    January 13, 2005.

    2. " FSB Raskryla Set' Virtaual'nikh Arabskikh Terroristov." Novosti.
    Lenta.ru. Feb. 02, 2005.

    3. Pravda.Ru 11/05/2004.

    4. Hasan Israilov, exclusively for Kavkaz-Center 2003.
    http://www.kavkazcenter.com/eng/article.php?id=906.

    5. The Turkish Jihad in Chechnya website which posts the photographs of
    'martyrs' in Chechnya: http://www.cecenya.net.tr.tc/.

    6. This site also described the death of a Turkish emir (commander) who
    was killed by a land mine and the death of several Turks and a Jordanian
    in a shoot out with Russian soldiers. http://www.cihad.net/cecenistan/.

    7. Martyrdom obituary found at:
    http://www.islamicaweb.com/archive/showthread/t-16293.

    8. For the nationalist perspective on Chechnya see: cecenonline.com/ana.

    9. Mehmet Farac. El Kaide Turka. Ikiz Kuleler'den Galata'ya. Istanbul,
    Gunizi Yayincilik. 2004.
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