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Transitions on Line, Czeck Republic
April 13 2005
The Withering of the Rose?
by Jaba Devdariani
13 April 2005
Georgia's revolution has lost its bloom. Does Saakashvili's
government have the nerve to continue pushing through vital reforms
and the wisdom to pick the right battles?
For the past week, observers, both Georgian and foreign, have been
musing on opinion polls that show that, in the space of just six
months, Georgia's President Mikheil Saakashvili has lost at least a
quarter of his supporters.
These figures may be disconcerting, but on one level there is little
for the government to worry about. First, Saakashvili's party has
retained the support of around 38 percent of Georgians, close to the
support it had garnered by the eve of the Rose Revolution in November
2003. And secondly, the opposition looks as feeble as ever, with most
of the opposition parties' ratings falling within the margin of
statistical error (3 percent). So the polls paint no doomsday picture
for Saakashvili and his National Movement.
But even a single glance at the latest newswires paints a picture of
a country under stress. Of late, people have been protesting
frequently, very frequently in Georgia. Some have taken to the
streets with purely social demands: a lack of electricity in most
provinces, social hardships in Armenian-populated Javakheti, and
disruptions to the water supply in Imereti. Also linked to social
issues are the "bazaar protests" by traders in Georgia's
near-ubiquitous open-air markets. They are up in arms at the prospect
of being relocated from the center of Tbilisi and other cities to
newly allocated suburban plots, a move that will, they fear, lose
them customers.
Then there are the protests against reforms: Traders are refusing to
comply with better-enforced safety, sanitary, and licensing
requirements. Medical students have launched a hunger strike against
new national examinations intended to replace university entry exams,
a breeding ground for corruption that allegedly generates a $3
million market per year in bribes and kickbacks.
But how disturbing, how destabilizing is this stress? Most of the
socially motivated protests were inherited from Shevardnadze's
administration. In fact, this is the very same wave of social
discontent that propelled the Rose Revolution and brought down
President Eduard Shevardnadze. So, seen against that backdrop, the
government should worry lest this unrest turn into an explosion. But
it may be that what we are hearing now is simply the bursting of a
bubble that was bound to burst sooner or later, since the
post-revolutionary hopes invested in Saakashvili's new government
were grossly inflated. And as for the protest against reforms, what
reforms were ever pushed through without squeals?
Mother Nature also helps explain the current unrest. The government
was lucky to have a rather warm winter in 2004, which reduced the
impact of the power shortages that have been a commonplace of
Georgian winters for the past 12 years. But its luck ran out in March
2005, when unprecedented snowfalls brought down the high-power
transmission lines linking the country with Russia - and, with them,
toppled the illusion that Georgia is solving its power problems.
Added to the feeling that things are not going right are the frequent
government reshuffles, bickering between ministers and, lastly, the
shock left by the death in February of Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania.
AN OVERLY RATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY?
But a difficult legacy, the pain of reform, and bad luck cannot
entirely account for the general sense of disappointment. Has
something gone wrong with Georgia's revolutionary government?
On one level, the answer is no. Georgians wanted nothing short of
miracles, and Saakashvili and his government have indeed delivered
some. Only a seriously deranged person would have argued in November
2003 that only several months later, Georgians would come to respect
the country's notoriously corrupt traffic policemen. Today, while the
brutality of some police investigations is still a major problem, the
completely re-shaped traffic police force without doubt rates as a
success story. It would also have required an immense leap of faith
to believe in a 64 percent increase in tax collection in just one
year.
But on another level the answer is yes. The reason can be found in
the evolution of Saakashvili himself. He grabbed, and then
consolidated power as a politician of passion and conviction. He was
a revolutionary, so much so that some, if not most, foreign observers
feared that `Misha' (as he was lovingly referred to on the streets)
would rock the political boat too much once he assumed power.
That did not happen. Saakashvili has proved himself much more
rational than one might have assumed. His fiery rhetoric is reserved
for those policy areas where he is sure to score political points,
such as cracking down on privileged Shevardnadze cronies or
castigating Russia. And he claims political credit for ridding Ajaria
of Aslan Abashidze's authoritarian rule, for increased budgetary
revenues, and even for the new roads under construction in Tbilisi.
But, strangely, he has failed personally and vocally to back the most
significant, if socially controversial systemic reforms that his
government has launched, in education, the criminal justice system,
and the Justice Ministry, reforms needed to fulfill many of the hopes
placed in the revolution.
Why? There can be only one answer: Saakashvili acts like a politician
who is running for re-election. After assuming the presidency, he
steered to the middle of the political spectrum, to gather momentum
for a second term. And when the anti-corruption drive trickled down
to ordinary traders and ordinary students, he passed the buck to his
cabinet, in an effort to preserve his own popularity.
Prudent as that might look, the policy is no longer sustainable. The
government can no longer be separated so conveniently from the
president. When Zhvania died, the government lost its center of
gravity - and the center of gravity now lies squarely with the
presidency. The new prime minister, Zurab Nogaideli, may be perceived
as competent, but he lacks Zhvania's gravitas.
Secondly, as Saakashvili's honeymoon with the public wears off and
the government's moves no longer seem self-evident to Georgians,
Saakashvili needs a style that depends less on populism. In the
honeymoon period his failure to explain the government's policies
looked like determination; now it comes across as arrogance and
deafness to the needs of ordinary citizens. His populism is turning
into a liability.
Could it be, in fact, that Saakashvili is too rational for his own
good? Could it be that, in becoming a party-political populist, he
has lost too much of his revolutionary passion?
It may be that he would do better if he were to put the national
agenda front and center, and back the reforms that really are crucial
to success of the country's agenda.
Recent polls show that more than 40 percent of the voters are
undecided. To transform uncommitted voters into committed supporters,
it would be better if he provided committed support to clear
policies. Such a stance would perhaps also create passionate
opponents, but, for Georgia, an issue-based opposition would be much
better than the rather pathetic collection of Saakashvili-bashers
that now claim the space across the chamber from the National
Movement.
AN AGENDA FOR A POPULIST REFORMER
Saakashvili should consider throwing his political weight behind two
specific policies: meaningful reform of local government, and reform
of the judiciary. Both are reforms with a popular spin and both would
also help to address the root causes of the public protests.
Saakashvili's administration inherited a fundamental problem: an
over-centralized political system that places responsibility
exclusively on the president. In his first days and weeks in power,
Saakashvili even strengthened the presidency.
But while people may be happy with the government's policies, they
are sometimes unhappy at how those policies are implemented. It is in
lower-level public services and government departments in the
provinces that officials "go wrong." For as long as these officials
continue to be appointees, the president will continue to be held
personally responsible. In keeping with post-Soviet tradition,
Georgians continue to go over the top of local officials and ask
"Misha" to help them repair their road and fix their water supply.
This is politically damaging, and saps support from both
Saakashvili's reforms and his administration.
This problem could be solved - without sacrificing control - by
handing greater responsibility to local government. Local leaders
should have both the power and the money to tackle infrastructure
problems. Yes, many of them would become corrupt. There would be
protests and maybe even recalls and re-elections in the provinces,
but the central authorities would have their hands free to arbitrate
the disputes. Over the years, a core government elite would emerge in
the regions, something that Georgia desperately lacks. And, to avoid
a meltdown in governance (as happened when Abashidze carved out a
little fiefdom for himself in Ajaria), the courts need to be reformed
to create a judiciary that is above local political haggles.
A NATION IN NEED OF A LEADER
What the Georgian government currently faces is, in short, a
transition from its passionate adolescence towards political
maturity. The government and ordinary Georgians must come to realize
that the revolution they backed back in November 2003 is not an
event, but a process of gradual, institutional change.
It takes political maturity for Georgians to give Saakashvili's
government credit where it is due but, at the same time, to argue for
policy alternatives where changes have been slow to show through.
Maturity also requires a change of attitude from Saakashvili, some
re-thinking of the presidency itself, and some modification of his
revolutionary spirit so that he replaces populism with the moral
leadership that he currently shies away from.
Saakashvili now comes across not enough as a leader of the nation,
and too much as a party leader. This locks him into relatively
insignificant political skirmishes with his opponents. That is not
how to lead Georgia forward. The Georgian nation remains divided
along ethnic lines, but it is also more and more divided between the
haves and have-nots. It is hard but necessary to lead a nation like
that towards painful change, and simultaneously to keep its
confidence. Without confidence, Georgian society will return to
apathy, and apathy tolerates and breeds corruption.
As the adrenalin of the revolution wears off, the new Georgian
administration now has to wake up to the challenges of political
maturity: good governance and sustainable social change.
Jaba Devdariani is a long-time TOL contributor and founder of the
United Nations Association of Georgia. He is currently working in
Bosnia with the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
April 13 2005
The Withering of the Rose?
by Jaba Devdariani
13 April 2005
Georgia's revolution has lost its bloom. Does Saakashvili's
government have the nerve to continue pushing through vital reforms
and the wisdom to pick the right battles?
For the past week, observers, both Georgian and foreign, have been
musing on opinion polls that show that, in the space of just six
months, Georgia's President Mikheil Saakashvili has lost at least a
quarter of his supporters.
These figures may be disconcerting, but on one level there is little
for the government to worry about. First, Saakashvili's party has
retained the support of around 38 percent of Georgians, close to the
support it had garnered by the eve of the Rose Revolution in November
2003. And secondly, the opposition looks as feeble as ever, with most
of the opposition parties' ratings falling within the margin of
statistical error (3 percent). So the polls paint no doomsday picture
for Saakashvili and his National Movement.
But even a single glance at the latest newswires paints a picture of
a country under stress. Of late, people have been protesting
frequently, very frequently in Georgia. Some have taken to the
streets with purely social demands: a lack of electricity in most
provinces, social hardships in Armenian-populated Javakheti, and
disruptions to the water supply in Imereti. Also linked to social
issues are the "bazaar protests" by traders in Georgia's
near-ubiquitous open-air markets. They are up in arms at the prospect
of being relocated from the center of Tbilisi and other cities to
newly allocated suburban plots, a move that will, they fear, lose
them customers.
Then there are the protests against reforms: Traders are refusing to
comply with better-enforced safety, sanitary, and licensing
requirements. Medical students have launched a hunger strike against
new national examinations intended to replace university entry exams,
a breeding ground for corruption that allegedly generates a $3
million market per year in bribes and kickbacks.
But how disturbing, how destabilizing is this stress? Most of the
socially motivated protests were inherited from Shevardnadze's
administration. In fact, this is the very same wave of social
discontent that propelled the Rose Revolution and brought down
President Eduard Shevardnadze. So, seen against that backdrop, the
government should worry lest this unrest turn into an explosion. But
it may be that what we are hearing now is simply the bursting of a
bubble that was bound to burst sooner or later, since the
post-revolutionary hopes invested in Saakashvili's new government
were grossly inflated. And as for the protest against reforms, what
reforms were ever pushed through without squeals?
Mother Nature also helps explain the current unrest. The government
was lucky to have a rather warm winter in 2004, which reduced the
impact of the power shortages that have been a commonplace of
Georgian winters for the past 12 years. But its luck ran out in March
2005, when unprecedented snowfalls brought down the high-power
transmission lines linking the country with Russia - and, with them,
toppled the illusion that Georgia is solving its power problems.
Added to the feeling that things are not going right are the frequent
government reshuffles, bickering between ministers and, lastly, the
shock left by the death in February of Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania.
AN OVERLY RATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY?
But a difficult legacy, the pain of reform, and bad luck cannot
entirely account for the general sense of disappointment. Has
something gone wrong with Georgia's revolutionary government?
On one level, the answer is no. Georgians wanted nothing short of
miracles, and Saakashvili and his government have indeed delivered
some. Only a seriously deranged person would have argued in November
2003 that only several months later, Georgians would come to respect
the country's notoriously corrupt traffic policemen. Today, while the
brutality of some police investigations is still a major problem, the
completely re-shaped traffic police force without doubt rates as a
success story. It would also have required an immense leap of faith
to believe in a 64 percent increase in tax collection in just one
year.
But on another level the answer is yes. The reason can be found in
the evolution of Saakashvili himself. He grabbed, and then
consolidated power as a politician of passion and conviction. He was
a revolutionary, so much so that some, if not most, foreign observers
feared that `Misha' (as he was lovingly referred to on the streets)
would rock the political boat too much once he assumed power.
That did not happen. Saakashvili has proved himself much more
rational than one might have assumed. His fiery rhetoric is reserved
for those policy areas where he is sure to score political points,
such as cracking down on privileged Shevardnadze cronies or
castigating Russia. And he claims political credit for ridding Ajaria
of Aslan Abashidze's authoritarian rule, for increased budgetary
revenues, and even for the new roads under construction in Tbilisi.
But, strangely, he has failed personally and vocally to back the most
significant, if socially controversial systemic reforms that his
government has launched, in education, the criminal justice system,
and the Justice Ministry, reforms needed to fulfill many of the hopes
placed in the revolution.
Why? There can be only one answer: Saakashvili acts like a politician
who is running for re-election. After assuming the presidency, he
steered to the middle of the political spectrum, to gather momentum
for a second term. And when the anti-corruption drive trickled down
to ordinary traders and ordinary students, he passed the buck to his
cabinet, in an effort to preserve his own popularity.
Prudent as that might look, the policy is no longer sustainable. The
government can no longer be separated so conveniently from the
president. When Zhvania died, the government lost its center of
gravity - and the center of gravity now lies squarely with the
presidency. The new prime minister, Zurab Nogaideli, may be perceived
as competent, but he lacks Zhvania's gravitas.
Secondly, as Saakashvili's honeymoon with the public wears off and
the government's moves no longer seem self-evident to Georgians,
Saakashvili needs a style that depends less on populism. In the
honeymoon period his failure to explain the government's policies
looked like determination; now it comes across as arrogance and
deafness to the needs of ordinary citizens. His populism is turning
into a liability.
Could it be, in fact, that Saakashvili is too rational for his own
good? Could it be that, in becoming a party-political populist, he
has lost too much of his revolutionary passion?
It may be that he would do better if he were to put the national
agenda front and center, and back the reforms that really are crucial
to success of the country's agenda.
Recent polls show that more than 40 percent of the voters are
undecided. To transform uncommitted voters into committed supporters,
it would be better if he provided committed support to clear
policies. Such a stance would perhaps also create passionate
opponents, but, for Georgia, an issue-based opposition would be much
better than the rather pathetic collection of Saakashvili-bashers
that now claim the space across the chamber from the National
Movement.
AN AGENDA FOR A POPULIST REFORMER
Saakashvili should consider throwing his political weight behind two
specific policies: meaningful reform of local government, and reform
of the judiciary. Both are reforms with a popular spin and both would
also help to address the root causes of the public protests.
Saakashvili's administration inherited a fundamental problem: an
over-centralized political system that places responsibility
exclusively on the president. In his first days and weeks in power,
Saakashvili even strengthened the presidency.
But while people may be happy with the government's policies, they
are sometimes unhappy at how those policies are implemented. It is in
lower-level public services and government departments in the
provinces that officials "go wrong." For as long as these officials
continue to be appointees, the president will continue to be held
personally responsible. In keeping with post-Soviet tradition,
Georgians continue to go over the top of local officials and ask
"Misha" to help them repair their road and fix their water supply.
This is politically damaging, and saps support from both
Saakashvili's reforms and his administration.
This problem could be solved - without sacrificing control - by
handing greater responsibility to local government. Local leaders
should have both the power and the money to tackle infrastructure
problems. Yes, many of them would become corrupt. There would be
protests and maybe even recalls and re-elections in the provinces,
but the central authorities would have their hands free to arbitrate
the disputes. Over the years, a core government elite would emerge in
the regions, something that Georgia desperately lacks. And, to avoid
a meltdown in governance (as happened when Abashidze carved out a
little fiefdom for himself in Ajaria), the courts need to be reformed
to create a judiciary that is above local political haggles.
A NATION IN NEED OF A LEADER
What the Georgian government currently faces is, in short, a
transition from its passionate adolescence towards political
maturity. The government and ordinary Georgians must come to realize
that the revolution they backed back in November 2003 is not an
event, but a process of gradual, institutional change.
It takes political maturity for Georgians to give Saakashvili's
government credit where it is due but, at the same time, to argue for
policy alternatives where changes have been slow to show through.
Maturity also requires a change of attitude from Saakashvili, some
re-thinking of the presidency itself, and some modification of his
revolutionary spirit so that he replaces populism with the moral
leadership that he currently shies away from.
Saakashvili now comes across not enough as a leader of the nation,
and too much as a party leader. This locks him into relatively
insignificant political skirmishes with his opponents. That is not
how to lead Georgia forward. The Georgian nation remains divided
along ethnic lines, but it is also more and more divided between the
haves and have-nots. It is hard but necessary to lead a nation like
that towards painful change, and simultaneously to keep its
confidence. Without confidence, Georgian society will return to
apathy, and apathy tolerates and breeds corruption.
As the adrenalin of the revolution wears off, the new Georgian
administration now has to wake up to the challenges of political
maturity: good governance and sustainable social change.
Jaba Devdariani is a long-time TOL contributor and founder of the
United Nations Association of Georgia. He is currently working in
Bosnia with the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.