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  • Georgia: Armenians bargain with government

    Institute for War and Peace Reporting
    April 14 2005


    GEORGIA: ARMENIANS BARGAIN WITH GOVERNMENT

    A delegation of Armenians seeks a shift of policy in Tbilisi

    By Olesya Vartanian in Akhalkalaki and Tbilisi

    In the first meeting of its kind, a group of around 20 Armenians from
    the southern region of Javakheti are meeting Georgian cabinet
    ministers to discuss the region's many social problems.

    The three days of talks, set to begin on April 14, are seen as a test
    of the Georgian authorities' commitment to the under-developed
    region, in which around 90 per cent of the population is ethnic
    Armenian.

    The Javakheti Armenians will meet with officials in the education,
    culture, transport and conflict settlement ministries in Tbilisi and
    also the parliamentary human rights committee.

    If new policies come out of the meetings it will be a significant
    victory for the young delegation, most of whose members come from a
    newly formed organisation called Yediny Javakhk, or United
    Javakheti.

    If not, it may strengthen the hand of sceptical Armenians who say
    Tbilisi is deliberately neglecting the region.

    Yediny Javakhk shot to prominence on March 13 - just three days after
    it was first founded - when it organized a meeting of 8,000 people
    in the centre of Akhalkalaki, the main town of Javakheti.

    The organization's mainly young members said they had come together
    so quickly in response to reports that the pro-government Georgian
    youth movement Kmara was planning a protest rally in Akhalkalaki,
    against a local Russian military base which is the main centre of
    employment for the local population.

    But the young Yediny Javakhk quickly split into a more moderate and
    more radical wing.

    While the moderates sought to contact the Georgian government, the
    radical members undertook political agitation, brought people to the
    rally, made banners and invited a pop-group from Armenia to perform.

    "We want to achieve the rights that our people are entitled to as
    citizens of Georgia," Artur Pogosian, one of the leaders of the
    moderate wing, told IWPR. "We do not want to be second- or
    third-class citizens."

    "For the last 15 years our people have been silent and loyal to all
    three presidents of Georgia," he added. "And today the time has come
    for the government to pay attention to us."

    The radicals have refused to take part in the Tbilisi delegation.

    Vaag Chakhalian, one of the more radical leaders of the organisation,
    is sceptical about the moderates' approach.

    "If they really want to solve problems, then we are ready to work
    with them," he told IWPR.

    But he insisted this could not take the form of opposition figures
    being bought off with highly paid jobs in government, "We need
    problems to be put to them and to be solved."

    Tbilisi political analyst Gia Nodia said he was not surprised by the
    schism. "[This organisation] is the latest attempt to find some
    common interests or common demands, around which people can unite,"
    he told IWPR. "But differences in interests, conceptions of strategy
    or political ambitions generally stand in the way of this unity."

    At the March 13 rally Pogosian read out a letter to the government of
    Georgia setting out the problems of the region, one of the most
    backward in Georgia.

    Many of the issues - including ineffective local government, poor
    electricity supply, bad roads and problems with customs, taxes and
    passports - also apply elsewhere in the country.

    Others are specific to Javakheti - like the demand that Armenian
    history be taught in schools and that official paperwork be done in
    the Armenian language as well as Russian.

    But calls for autonomy or secession from Georgia were muted at the
    rally, in contrast with the more nationalist days of the early 1990s.

    A major demand is for the government in Tbilisi to ease pressure on
    the Russian military base in Akhalkalaki, which large numbers of
    locals regard as an important strategic and economic asset in the
    region.

    "It's always the ordinary folk who suffer," said local resident
    Bograt Kakosian, "those in comfortable jobs don't have any problems."

    "People are selling their last calf to get a visa and move to Russia
    - and there, because relations between Russia and Georgia are so bad,
    they risk getting deported just because they are a citizen of
    Georgia. And if they close the base, it will be bad for us in Georgia
    too."

    Most of those who came to the rally were seasonal workers, who find
    employment in Russia for part of the year because there are no jobs
    at home. Until recently, they had to spend time and money getting
    foreign passports in the regional capital Akhaltsikhe. But following
    the rally, the government has set up a new passport office in
    Akhalkalaki.

    Artur Yeremian - the gamgebeli, or governor, of Akhalkalaki - says
    problems like this occur because the central government does not
    understand the complexities of the region.

    "Every ministry is told to carry out reforms," he said. "But no one
    is interested how they come about, [even though] every region has its
    special features."

    One of the leaders of Yediny Javakhk, who asked to remain anonymous,
    said the main reason for the region's social ills was the domination
    of several powerful clans, who operate according to their business
    interests, are supported by the authorities in Tbilisi and Yerevan,
    and have influence on the local government.

    Nodia explained that one of these clans in particular, grouped around
    the family of parliamentarian Melik Raisian, had enabled the
    government in Tbilisi to exert control over the region.

    "[The government] gave the leaders who spoke out against Tbilisi
    well-paid posts," he told IWPR. "And by doing so, it calmed them
    down. This policy went on under Shevardnadze and there has not been
    any principled change of policy under the current government. It is
    relying on influential local players and not on civic democratic
    progress."

    Nodia said that these kind of intrigues had naturally made people
    suspicious
    about the new Yediny Javakhk movement, "Many people thought the
    rallies in
    Akhalkalaki were designed to discredit someone so someone else could
    take
    his place. that it was being done to strengthen the position of
    people
    close to [interior minister Vano] Merabishvili or to the president."

    Merabishvili comes from Samtskhe-Javakheti and wields a lot of
    influence in
    the region. On March 27 he met the Yediny Javakhk moderates and
    persuaded
    them not to take part in a rally that had been called for March 31.
    He himself promised to visit the region in May and check on the
    enforcement of government policy there.

    At the meeting with the minister, the decision was taken to create a
    Javakheti Public Committee which would be in regular consultation
    with the government in Tbilisi.

    "I see the solution in a dialogue between representatives of the
    region and
    the authorities, so the authorities understand what we want," said
    Samvel
    Manukian one of the Yediny Javakhk moderate leaders. "If not, we will
    call another rally in the middle of May."

    In the event, the March 31 rally was dominated by the Sport-Cultural
    Union
    of Youth of Javakheti, JEMM, which has more of an Armenian
    nationalist
    agenda - amongst other things, it calls on Georgia to recognize the
    Armenian genocide of 1915.

    Vaag Chakhalian of JEMM said he saw no point in negotiating with the
    Georgian government because he said the Javakheti Armenians had been
    deceived many times in the past.

    Olesya Vartanian is a correspondent with Southern Gates newspaper in
    Samtskhe-Javakheti region, which is supported by IWPR.

    From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
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