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"DIVERSITY IS OUR STRENGTH" - GEORGIAN PRESIDENT MIKHEIL SAAKASHVILI
Theresa Freese 4/22/05
Eurasianet Organization
April 22 2005
Recent protests by ethnic Armenians, Georgia's largest ethnic minority,
against the closure of a Russian military base in the predominantly
Armenian region of Samtskhe-Javakheti have helped underscore the
difficulties faced by the Saakashvili administration as it promotes
inter-ethnic accord in the country. In a recent interview, Georgian
President Mikheil Saakashvili outlined the government's economic
development plans for Samtskhe-Javakheti, and stressed that "diversity
is our strength."
Armenians constitute almost 8 percent of Georgia's 4.5 million
population - a statistic that has spurred demands by some Armenian
community leaders for attention equal to that given Georgia's smaller
Ossetian and Abkhaz minority populations. Most ethnic Armenians
are concentrated in two areas - in and around Tbilisi and in the
Samtskhe-Javakheti region. The over 113,000 in Samtskhe-Javakheti -
most of them living in two districts, Ninotsminda and Akhalkalaki --
comprise a majority of the remote and impoverished region's overall
population. Some analysts suggest discontent among the so-called
Javakheti Armenians could pose a potential threat to Georgia's goal
of territorial integration. [For background see the Eurasia Insight
archive].
Disputes over Russia's 62nd military base at Akhalkalaki, one of two
Russsian military installations remaining on Georgian territory,
drive much of the concerns. The base is located at the heart of
the Javakheti-Armenian community and serves as the region's driving
economic force. In March, Javakheti Armenians held demonstrations
in Akhalkalaki to protest Georgia's demand that the base be closed,
arguing that the Russian military presence provides them with both
economic security and defense against Turkey, a traditional Armenian
enemy. [For additional information see the Eurasia Insight archive].
The Armenian community in Tbilisi is not playing as large a role in
opposing a quick Russian withdrawal.
Talks held on April 14-15 with Russian diplomats in Tbilisi failed to
reach an agreement on a mutually acceptable withdrawal timeline. Each
side has blamed the other for the failure of the negotiations. [For
background see the Eurasia Insight archive].
Saakashvili spoke to a EurasiaNet correspondent during a helicopter
ride from Samtskhe-Javakheti to Tbilisi. He had traveled to Borjomi,
one of the six districts that comprise Samtskhe-Javakheti, where he
had opened a new park. During the interview, Saakashvili said Georgia
is promoting a "phased withdrawal" for the base with no concrete
completion date-as long as the withdrawal starts immediately. He added,
however, that the Russians are looking for a set timeframe around 2009,
the date of Georgia's next presidential election. "Basically, they
are waiting for the next Georgian election," Saakashvili said. "We
say 'OK' to 2009, but let's start now so [that] by the time of the
elections most of the troops are gone."
Repeating earlier promises, Saakashvili stated that the government
plans to make sure that the base's dissolution does not undermine
the local employment climate. Saakashvili said that "formally" 3,000
Russians are stationed at the base, though he believed the real figure
was much lower. Local employees, he added, number 340 ethnic Armenians,
including soldiers. On top of this, a "few thousand" others are linked
to the base by selling products to soldiers, including wheat, fuel,
and spare parts.
"Everybody who serves there will be given a job locally," Saakashvili
said. "If there are enough people locally, we won't bring others to
the region. Every qualified soldier can stay . . . Those who want
to stay will keep their apartments. The base's infrastructure can
be used for social infrastructure for the local population. We don't
want to confiscate or sell it."
As part of an assistance program to aid the transition and spark small
business development, Saakashvili said, long-term bank credits ranging
from $3,000-$5,000 would be provided to individual contractors over
the next 20 to 25 years.
The president also advocated dual citizenship for ethnic Armenians
working on the Russian base who have taken on Russian citizenship,
a proposal also made for South Ossetia and Abkhazia. "They won't face
discrimination," he stressed. Flights to Moscow, a bi-annual perk
provided by Russia to base employees, would possibly be replaced by
local bus trips or flights (pending restoration of Samtskhe-Javakheti's
airport) to Tbilisi, he suggested.
But the base is only the tip of the iceberg for this isolated region.
During a March 13 demonstration to preserve the base, Javakheti
Armenians also called for roads to link Akhalkalaki with Armenia
and the rest of Georgia, promotion of language and cultural rights,
stronger local self government, improved energy access, and the
establishment of a customs unit at the Armenia border. Saakashvili
characterized the political ferment underpinning these demands as
"normal" and said: "The local population has social demands and
cultural demands. The state exists to give them assurances."
Although speculation has grown lately that problems associated with
the Javakheti Armenians could develop into a "pre-conflict situation,"
Saakashvili downplayed the notion. "I don't think they will cause any
problems," he said. "We should solve problems for them. They are our
essence and should not be wasted."
To respond to the community's demands, Saakashvili said he is promoting
an "incentives-based approach," that includes transferring some public
services, such as the passport department, away from the regional seat
at Akhaltsikhe to Akhalkalaki (a demand made by community leaders),
and giving local government responsibility for budget management.
Road projects could prove a crucial variable for the success of this
project, and in connecting this poverty-stricken region with the
rest of Georgia. Georgian officials want to tap into the US-sponsored
Millennium Challenge Account to fund a several-million-dollar project
to repave the 320 kilometers of road linking the Armenian border
region with Akhalkalaki, Tbilisi and Kars, Turkey. Work could begin
on the project as early as September. However, observers say that
could be years before work is completed.
"Resources are scarce and everything must be rebuilt," Saakashvili
said. A prospective Kars-Akhalkalaki-Tbilisi railway line, which could
further boost economic development, as well as regional integration,
he termed a "more difficult" issue. Armenians believe that the
route bypasses Armenia as part of Turkey's economic blockade of the
country following Armenia's war with Azerbaijan over the breakaway
region of Nagorno-Karabakh. [For background see the Eurasia Insight
archive]. "The Turks must do their part," he said, adding that Georgia
has "strong interest in the railroad."
Language could prove a more difficult barrier to integration. Most
Javakheti Armenians speak Russian before Armenian. Few are fluent in
Georgian. Families choose between sending their children to Moscow
or Yerevan-before Tbilisi-to receive a higher education. Many locals
say that their inability to speak Georgian has prevented them from
finding well-paying jobs.
Saakashvili conceded that the region is lacking in Georgian language
specialists because few Georgians or Georgian-speaking and trained
language teachers reside in or near Ninotsminda or Akhalkalaki. "We
are trying to give them incentives to learn Georgian -not to force
them," he said. In contrast to other ethnic minority groups in Georgia,
including Ossetians and Abkhaz, Saakashvili said Javakheti Armenians
are "enthusiastic" about learning Georgian.
Nonetheless, state-sanctioned protection of minority rights also
feeds into the mix. "We need some kind of affirmative action,"
Saakashvili said. "[Minorities] should feel that their children
have equal opportunities-that they are citizens of the country." As
part of that message, the government has recently erected throughout
Tbilisi billboards with the slogan "Celebrating Georgia's Diversity"
in English, and with similar messages in Russian and Georgian. The
Russian version states "Georgia is Our Motherland," while the Georgia
translation reads "United We Stand."
In the end, Saakashvili believes, it could be just a matter of
time for that message to become reality, as well as a matter of
asserting Georgian statehood. "In 10 to 20 more years," he said,
Samtskhe-Javakheti "will feel entirely integrated, and the former
[Soviet] empire [will be] entirely gone."
Editor's Note: Theresa Freese is a freelance journalist and political
analyst who has been conducting research on unresolved conflicts in
the South Caucasus since September 2003.
Theresa Freese 4/22/05
Eurasianet Organization
April 22 2005
Recent protests by ethnic Armenians, Georgia's largest ethnic minority,
against the closure of a Russian military base in the predominantly
Armenian region of Samtskhe-Javakheti have helped underscore the
difficulties faced by the Saakashvili administration as it promotes
inter-ethnic accord in the country. In a recent interview, Georgian
President Mikheil Saakashvili outlined the government's economic
development plans for Samtskhe-Javakheti, and stressed that "diversity
is our strength."
Armenians constitute almost 8 percent of Georgia's 4.5 million
population - a statistic that has spurred demands by some Armenian
community leaders for attention equal to that given Georgia's smaller
Ossetian and Abkhaz minority populations. Most ethnic Armenians
are concentrated in two areas - in and around Tbilisi and in the
Samtskhe-Javakheti region. The over 113,000 in Samtskhe-Javakheti -
most of them living in two districts, Ninotsminda and Akhalkalaki --
comprise a majority of the remote and impoverished region's overall
population. Some analysts suggest discontent among the so-called
Javakheti Armenians could pose a potential threat to Georgia's goal
of territorial integration. [For background see the Eurasia Insight
archive].
Disputes over Russia's 62nd military base at Akhalkalaki, one of two
Russsian military installations remaining on Georgian territory,
drive much of the concerns. The base is located at the heart of
the Javakheti-Armenian community and serves as the region's driving
economic force. In March, Javakheti Armenians held demonstrations
in Akhalkalaki to protest Georgia's demand that the base be closed,
arguing that the Russian military presence provides them with both
economic security and defense against Turkey, a traditional Armenian
enemy. [For additional information see the Eurasia Insight archive].
The Armenian community in Tbilisi is not playing as large a role in
opposing a quick Russian withdrawal.
Talks held on April 14-15 with Russian diplomats in Tbilisi failed to
reach an agreement on a mutually acceptable withdrawal timeline. Each
side has blamed the other for the failure of the negotiations. [For
background see the Eurasia Insight archive].
Saakashvili spoke to a EurasiaNet correspondent during a helicopter
ride from Samtskhe-Javakheti to Tbilisi. He had traveled to Borjomi,
one of the six districts that comprise Samtskhe-Javakheti, where he
had opened a new park. During the interview, Saakashvili said Georgia
is promoting a "phased withdrawal" for the base with no concrete
completion date-as long as the withdrawal starts immediately. He added,
however, that the Russians are looking for a set timeframe around 2009,
the date of Georgia's next presidential election. "Basically, they
are waiting for the next Georgian election," Saakashvili said. "We
say 'OK' to 2009, but let's start now so [that] by the time of the
elections most of the troops are gone."
Repeating earlier promises, Saakashvili stated that the government
plans to make sure that the base's dissolution does not undermine
the local employment climate. Saakashvili said that "formally" 3,000
Russians are stationed at the base, though he believed the real figure
was much lower. Local employees, he added, number 340 ethnic Armenians,
including soldiers. On top of this, a "few thousand" others are linked
to the base by selling products to soldiers, including wheat, fuel,
and spare parts.
"Everybody who serves there will be given a job locally," Saakashvili
said. "If there are enough people locally, we won't bring others to
the region. Every qualified soldier can stay . . . Those who want
to stay will keep their apartments. The base's infrastructure can
be used for social infrastructure for the local population. We don't
want to confiscate or sell it."
As part of an assistance program to aid the transition and spark small
business development, Saakashvili said, long-term bank credits ranging
from $3,000-$5,000 would be provided to individual contractors over
the next 20 to 25 years.
The president also advocated dual citizenship for ethnic Armenians
working on the Russian base who have taken on Russian citizenship,
a proposal also made for South Ossetia and Abkhazia. "They won't face
discrimination," he stressed. Flights to Moscow, a bi-annual perk
provided by Russia to base employees, would possibly be replaced by
local bus trips or flights (pending restoration of Samtskhe-Javakheti's
airport) to Tbilisi, he suggested.
But the base is only the tip of the iceberg for this isolated region.
During a March 13 demonstration to preserve the base, Javakheti
Armenians also called for roads to link Akhalkalaki with Armenia
and the rest of Georgia, promotion of language and cultural rights,
stronger local self government, improved energy access, and the
establishment of a customs unit at the Armenia border. Saakashvili
characterized the political ferment underpinning these demands as
"normal" and said: "The local population has social demands and
cultural demands. The state exists to give them assurances."
Although speculation has grown lately that problems associated with
the Javakheti Armenians could develop into a "pre-conflict situation,"
Saakashvili downplayed the notion. "I don't think they will cause any
problems," he said. "We should solve problems for them. They are our
essence and should not be wasted."
To respond to the community's demands, Saakashvili said he is promoting
an "incentives-based approach," that includes transferring some public
services, such as the passport department, away from the regional seat
at Akhaltsikhe to Akhalkalaki (a demand made by community leaders),
and giving local government responsibility for budget management.
Road projects could prove a crucial variable for the success of this
project, and in connecting this poverty-stricken region with the
rest of Georgia. Georgian officials want to tap into the US-sponsored
Millennium Challenge Account to fund a several-million-dollar project
to repave the 320 kilometers of road linking the Armenian border
region with Akhalkalaki, Tbilisi and Kars, Turkey. Work could begin
on the project as early as September. However, observers say that
could be years before work is completed.
"Resources are scarce and everything must be rebuilt," Saakashvili
said. A prospective Kars-Akhalkalaki-Tbilisi railway line, which could
further boost economic development, as well as regional integration,
he termed a "more difficult" issue. Armenians believe that the
route bypasses Armenia as part of Turkey's economic blockade of the
country following Armenia's war with Azerbaijan over the breakaway
region of Nagorno-Karabakh. [For background see the Eurasia Insight
archive]. "The Turks must do their part," he said, adding that Georgia
has "strong interest in the railroad."
Language could prove a more difficult barrier to integration. Most
Javakheti Armenians speak Russian before Armenian. Few are fluent in
Georgian. Families choose between sending their children to Moscow
or Yerevan-before Tbilisi-to receive a higher education. Many locals
say that their inability to speak Georgian has prevented them from
finding well-paying jobs.
Saakashvili conceded that the region is lacking in Georgian language
specialists because few Georgians or Georgian-speaking and trained
language teachers reside in or near Ninotsminda or Akhalkalaki. "We
are trying to give them incentives to learn Georgian -not to force
them," he said. In contrast to other ethnic minority groups in Georgia,
including Ossetians and Abkhaz, Saakashvili said Javakheti Armenians
are "enthusiastic" about learning Georgian.
Nonetheless, state-sanctioned protection of minority rights also
feeds into the mix. "We need some kind of affirmative action,"
Saakashvili said. "[Minorities] should feel that their children
have equal opportunities-that they are citizens of the country." As
part of that message, the government has recently erected throughout
Tbilisi billboards with the slogan "Celebrating Georgia's Diversity"
in English, and with similar messages in Russian and Georgian. The
Russian version states "Georgia is Our Motherland," while the Georgia
translation reads "United We Stand."
In the end, Saakashvili believes, it could be just a matter of
time for that message to become reality, as well as a matter of
asserting Georgian statehood. "In 10 to 20 more years," he said,
Samtskhe-Javakheti "will feel entirely integrated, and the former
[Soviet] empire [will be] entirely gone."
Editor's Note: Theresa Freese is a freelance journalist and political
analyst who has been conducting research on unresolved conflicts in
the South Caucasus since September 2003.