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Forgotten People: Internally Displaced from Abkhazia

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  • Forgotten People: Internally Displaced from Abkhazia

    Reuters AlertNet, UK
    April 26 2005


    Forgotten People: Internally Displaced from Abkhazia


    Source: NGO latest
    Yodit Fitigu


    Refugees International - USA
    Website: http://www.refugeesinternational.org
    Contact: Yodit Fitigu [email protected] or 202-828-0110

    Forgotten People: Internally Displaced from Abkhazia Why are they
    forgotten?

    An estimated 300,000 people were displaced as a result of Georgia¡¦s
    wars against two separatist military campaigns, one in the Black Sea
    region of Abkhazia in the northwest and the other in northeast region
    of South Ossetia. The war over Abkhazian autonomy between 1992 and
    1994 led to the displacement of approximately 240,000 people, mainly
    ethnic Georgians. More than 10 years after the cessation of armed
    conflict, the majority of the displaced remain trapped. Although a
    limited number of displaced populations near the border were able to
    return to home, the political stalemate between the de facto
    government of Abkhazia and Georgia has kept the majority of the
    displaced in a state of constant limbo.

    For years, resolving the issue of internal displaced persons (IDPs)
    was held hostage to the territorial disputes between Abkhazian and
    Georgian officials. For the Georgian government, the ¡§IDP question¡¨
    was inextricably tied to Georgia¡¦s ¡§territorial integrity;¡¨
    regaining Abkhazia would mean return for the displaced. Both
    authorities continue to depend on the international community to find
    a solution.

    With the end of armed conflict in the early 1990s, the international
    community began relief efforts. A shift in assistance occurred during
    the mid to late-1990s, when international donors began focusing on
    development programs. However, lack of humanitarian assistance
    remains a concern for displaced people. Unable to return home, many
    are left in destitute conditions in the urban centers of Georgia.
    Living below Georgia¡¦s subsistence level without adequate food,
    access to health services, and shelter, the majority of IDPs in
    Georgia are among the poorest and most vulnerable.

    Despite a rhetorical commitment during the Rose Revolution to
    resolving the displacement issues, the government of Georgia neglects
    the displaced because its priority is economic development pending an
    overall political resolution of the status of the Abkhazia region.
    For international donor governments, the displaced are invisible.
    Their needs do not rise to the level of other displaced persons, and
    the absence of on-going armed conflict makes the situation relatively
    easy to ignore.

    Historical Background Civil unrest and internal wars erupted
    throughout the Soviet Republics during the break-up of the Soviet
    Union. In 1991, the southern Caucasus nation of Georgia was thrown

    into two separatist wars that caused massive displacement in the
    Black Sea region of Abkhazia and in South Ossetia in northeast
    Georgia.

    As in many separatist wars throughout the world, ethno-political
    conflict became a significant contributor to internal displacement.
    During the Abkhazian separatist war, ethnicity became the vehicle for
    power and a weapon for the removal of entire groups of people.

    In the Soviet Union, conflict fueled by identity politics had its
    roots in the imperial national-building project. Similar to European
    colonial ambitions in Africa, Latin America, and Asia, Imperial
    Russia brought its nationalization project to the Caucasus. Conquest
    of the Caucasus brought about policies of Russification, in which
    aspects of Russian national identity, such as language, religion, and
    customs, were imposed on the conquered people as the superior
    national identity. Rather than forging a unified Russian national
    identity, however, existing boundaries became solidified, further
    fueling indigenous consciousness throughout the Caucasus. This has
    been witnessed in several republics that later became independent
    nations.

    These processes intensified through the Soviet policy of population
    relocation where various ethnic groups in the Caucasus were forcibly
    relocated in the effort to suppress indigenous nationalism. For
    example, Ossetians were strategically relocated to two areas regarded
    by Soviet Union as most rebellious: Muslin Ingushetia, bordering
    Chechnya, and in northern Georgia. In the Abkhazian region, Russians
    and Armenians were resettled among the Greeks, Georgians, ethnic
    Abkhazians, and others who were earlier settlers during the Ottoman
    Empire. In the same manner, Russians were resettled throughout the
    Soviet Republics in the attempts to Russify the local population.

    The political and economic favoring of one group over another at
    different points in history helped to crystallize differences.
    Russia¡¦s attempt to maintain power produced competition for scarce
    resources and group rivalries over the region. In the Abkhazian
    region, as in other Soviet Republics, Soviet policies contributed to
    the tension between the various ethnic groups. When an ethnic group
    was rising to a certain level of power and influence over their
    population, Russia would pump economic and social benefits to another
    group. In the mid-1930s, Russia¡¦s farm collectives attracted more
    central Georgians to the Abkhazian region, creating competition for
    labor among indigenous Georgians as well as other ethnic groups
    within Abkhazia. As the Georgian population began to grow within
    Abkhazia and Soviet power tightened over the region, ethnic politics
    intensified.

    At the same time, in an effort to reject Russia¡¦s cultural and
    political domination, a nationalist campaign for independence was
    underway throughout Georgia and the other nations in the Caucasus. In
    Abkhazia, this drive for national Georgian unity was perceived by
    many other ethnic groups as a drive to Georgianize the region. In
    effect it created the fear of cultural absorption among non-Georgian
    groups, particularly ethnic Abkhazians. While they had previously
    rejected Russification, ethnic Abkhazians preferred unification with
    Russia over identification with the Georgian nation. This resulted in
    the emergence of competing forms of nationalism and power between
    Abkhazians and ethnic Georgians.

    In 1992, Abkhaz separatists and Georgian national army began a war
    that lasted two years, with sporadic violence continuing until 1999,
    displacing all ethnic groups within Abkhazia. Both militaries were
    responsible for targeting the other¡¦s ethnic population by burning
    villages and destroying buildings and farm land. According to the
    Soviet government census of 1989, the pre-war population in Abkhazia
    was 525,000, 45% of which were classified as ethnic Georgians and 18%
    classified as ethnic Abkhazians. Post-war Abkhazia is 80-90% ethnic
    Abkhazian with the rest comprised of a mixed Abkhaz-Georgian
    population and some 30,000 Georgians on the border who return for
    harvesting during times of security.

    While the numbers of displaced people is controversial and disputed
    by both sides, some conclusions have been reached. The largest number
    of displaced were ethnic Georgians. In addition, between 1992 and
    1993 approximately 75,000 Russians and 75,000 Armenians fled to
    Russia, while close to15,000 Greeks returned to Greece after
    centuries in Abkhazia. Ethnic Abkhazians also became internally
    displaced during the prolonged conflict.

    Humanitarian conditions

    Georgia continues to face enormous political and economic
    consequences since the breakup of the Soviet Union. Since the end of
    civil war in the mid-1990s, Georgia received relief assistance as
    well as aid for development programs. While the shift from relief aid
    to development was needed in Georgia, purely humanitarian aid is
    still greatly needed for the most vulnerable populations.

    Georgia¡¦s high unemployment rate has contributed to the high level
    of poverty, with 54% of the population below the poverty line.
    Conditions for internally displaced people are more critical in urban
    areas. Overall, the unresolved political situation with Abkhazia is
    creating a volatile situation for the displaced and for Georgia as a
    whole. The longer the political stand-off between Abkhazia and
    Georgia persists, the more humanitarian assistance will be needed for
    the internally displaced.

    In addition, security remains a great concern in the Gali district of
    Abkhazia, where approximately 60,000 IDPs have spontaneously returned
    to farm their lands. At least half of the returnee population
    self-resettled in permanent locations, while another half return
    seasonally only for farming purposes. Humanitarian assistance and the
    building of infrastructure have been limited due to sporadic
    insecurity. However, it remains crucial that humanitarian assistance
    reach as many people as possible. It is important to underscore that
    tensions between returnees and ethnic Abkhazians will ease as
    international donors show financial support for rehabilitation
    programs and community-based projects.

    The privatization of major hotels in Georgia, spearheaded by the
    president of Georgia, Mikhail Saakashvili, had a two-pronged goal: to
    increase economic prosperity for Georgia by attracting international
    business and to fulfill the national IDP housing law by providing
    permanent homes for IDP families from Abkhazia. In practice, however,
    the national IDP law, which required the State to provide housing for
    all IDPs, has not been implemented.

    On Rustaveli Street, rows of theaters and restaurants line the heart
    of Tbilisi¡¦s fashionable district. The once glamorous Iveria Hotel
    now stands in the center of this district as a visible reminder of
    the Abkhaz war and the displaced that were housed there for over 14
    years. Through President Saakashvili¡¦s privatization act, the hotel
    was sold and IDPs were given approximately $7,000 per hotel room. A
    number of problems arose, however. First, most of the hotel rooms
    were not shared by one family, but several families. Therefore, the
    money had to be divided among two or more families sharing one hotel
    room. To complicate matters, IDPs were left on their own to find
    housing after the sale. In the capital city of Tbilisi, where 40 % of
    IDPs reside, finding an apartment to rent or buy has become
    increasingly difficult with soaring housing costs. As a result, many
    IDP families have to live in smaller rundown hotels or cooperatives,
    often without electricity and running water. Despite the countless
    resolutions passed in the Cabinet of Ministers for the economic and
    political protection of IDPs, efforts to enforce their civil rights
    have been abandoned by the Georgian government and ignored by the
    international community.passed in the Cabinet of Ministers for the
    economic and political protection of IDPs, efforts to enforce their
    civil rights have been abandoned by the Georgian government and
    ignored by the international community.

    Therefore, Refugees International recommends that:

    „X The Government of Georgia and the de-facto Abkhazian officials
    continue their dialogue towards reaching a political settlement, a
    precondition for finding a solution for the displaced population.

    „X The Government of Georgia implement established IDP laws regarding
    housing and other issues, and make a greater effort to end
    mismanagement and corruption of IDP funds.

    „X The European Union get involved in creating conditions for
    dialogue between the Georgian government and Abkhazia in order to
    find longer-term solutions for the displaced population.

    „X Donors pay attention to the extreme poverty of vulnerable groups
    by providing humanitarian relief in addition to development aid.

    „X Donors support the implementation of relief assistance and
    rehabilitation programs among returnee populations in the Gali
    region.

    Yodit Fitigu is a McCall-Pierpaoli Fellow with Refugees
    International.


    [ Any views expressed in this article are those of the writer and not
    of Reuters. ]
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