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TURKMEN CRISIS IN THE IRAQI CONSTITUTION ON THE WAY
by Mahir Nakip
Zaman, Turkey
Aug 24 2005
According to Arab, Turkish and Western sources, Muslim convert Turkmen
breaking away from Central Asia started to immigrate to Iraq during
the last decades of the Abbasids and settled in central and northern
Iraq as tribes during the Seljuk era in 1055.
The Kizilbash (literally "redhead") Turkmen were attached to these
settlements during the Safavi dynasty and they composed the basis of
today's Shiite Turkmen society in the region. According to Kerkuk
(Kirkuk) demographic records prepared by Matrakci Nasuh, clerk
of Ottoman Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent when the Ottoman army
was returning from the Bagdat (Baghdad) conquest through Kirkuk,
Turkmen living on the Baghdad-Kirkuk route were Kizilbash and those
living in the Kirkuk Castle were Sunni. Immigration from Anatolia
to northern Iraq has been low since it began after Ottoman Sultan
Murad IV's re-conquest of Baghdad. Those emigrating from Anatolia
to northern Iraq settled in Musul (Mosul), Erbil (Arbil), Kirkuk,
and Baghdad. Thus, current Turkmen settlements begin with Tel Afar,
which is near the Iraq-Syria-Turkey border, go through Mosul and Arbil,
and intensify in Altunkopru, Kirkuk, Dakuk, and Tuzhurmati. They lose
density in Hanekin and Mendeli close to the Iranian border of central
Iraq. The geographical band created by the Turkmen population includes
a buffer zone clearly separating the Kurdish region from the Arab
region. Turkmen live intermingled with Kurdish and Arab societies in
settlements near this band.
Turkey's Turkmen policy
British control dominant in the region in 1918 perceived Turkmen as
descendants of the Ottoman Empire and the young Republic of Turkey
after 1924. Yet, it did not ban the use of Turkish as the official
language in Turkmen public offices, schools, courts, and press because
of a necessity felt for it. Treatment during the period of the kingdom
was no different to this. However, the Iraqi Communist Party trying to
seize power after proclaiming of a republic on 14 July 1958 reached an
agreement with some Kurdish political groups, who were their equivalent
and viewed Turkmen as potential spies working on behalf of Turkey. They
also accused them of being Turanists (ultra-nationalists) and Turkey
followers. Former Turkish Prime Minister Adnan Menderes had ensured
Turkey's acceptance as a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)
member by pursuing a pro-American policy against the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics (USSR). Accusations directed against Turkmen at
that time can be seen as the outcome of Turkey's pro-American policy.
The main reason of the Turkmen's exile from Kirkuk to the south firstly
by the Baath Party in 1968 and secondly by Saddam Hussein in 1979 was
to banish them from oil resources and Turkey's borders. As a matter
of fact, when Saddam ordered the execution of four prominent Turkmen
in 1980, Turkey was disturbed by these executions. If Turkey still had
citizens in Iraq from the Ottoman times, it should come and take them;
said Saddam during a television broadcast after hearing that Turkey
was disturbed by the executions.
Developments after the March 2003 war confirmed the above opinion. It
was observed that Turkmen, who were rapidly becoming organized, had
brought their Iraqi identity to the foreground in all their political
formations. All statements by these political formations aimed at
Iraq's territorial integrity and the Iraqi people's brotherhood. They
did not lower Iraqi flags, loot state buildings, and start fires
around in Kirkuk, Tuzhurmatu, and Tel Afar, where their population
density is high. As a result, there was almost no Turkmen among those
captured for petty offences and imprisoned during this period. Indeed,
Turkmen also neither resisted nor took up arms against the Baghdad
administration in earlier political periods. They never organized
secret organizations either for independence or to bind them to
another country. It has not even been recorded in various histories
that Turkmen killed either an Arab or a Kurd for political reasons,
although they have been subjected to many massacres by other societies
in Iraq. That is to say, although others have violated their rights,
Turkmen have never violated the rights of Arabs or Kurds. Turkmen
are known as pacifists, intellectuals and the learned society in
Iraq. They have never taken part in fanatic political streams during
the last 100 years. For instance, as Arabs and Kurds have acquired a
communist party, Turkmen have never had a communist party. They have
also never become a member of the Iraqi Communist Party, which has
displayed considerable political activity in Iraq.
Today, there are only a few Islamic Turkmen parties and they have
never been seen being involved in fanatic political acts.
Currently, three different Turkmen political masses are marked on
the Iraqi political terrain. They are nationalists, Shiite-inclined
groups and those having close relations with Kurdish political
groups. These groups have a total of 15 seats in the Iraqi National
Assembly today. When observed their political programs, declarations
and rhetoric, and significant differences of opinion are visible, but
none of them has the notion or the inclination to separate from Iraq.
Turkmen within Iraq have not been able to form an official political
party before 2003 as Baghdad governments have refused to permit it.
Still, the Turkmen Brotherhood Hearth formed with the permission of
Baghdad in 1960, and Mosul and Arbil offices of this hearth contributed
to Turkmen uniting under the same roof and carrying out their cultural
existence. As Turkmen tried to preserve their national identity,
they also showed a unique example of democracy in Iraq.
This institution elected its president, executive boards and sub study
commissions in a democratic way until 1977. This platform even set the
stage for groups with a different understanding of public service to
encourage competition between them. The institution was handed over
to a controlled team forcefully and the anti-democratic method used
by Saddam's order in 1977 prevented Turkmen from conducting activities
in a democratic environment.
No place for Turkmen in the new Iraqi constitution
When we collect all the significant data, we see that Turkmen
voluntarily respect Iraqi territorial integrity, and are far from
racist and fanatic or aggressive in their views; but are a democratic
society that is peaceful, cultivated, having no dispute with anyone.
In this case, Turkmen may be perceived as a plaster that may bond
Arabs and Kurds, smothering their extreme activities and fill the
emptiness and gaps between them. As they did in their former regions,
Turkmen may take the political role of a strong, impartial and just
bridge between the two societies. Turkmen may be accepted as a good
balancing element; moreover, they may arbitrate in some ways to the
controversial issues since half Turkmen are Shiites and the other
half are Sunni. The differences of the sects never divided the Turkmen.
Upon the current situation, what do Iraqi policy-makers or policy
engineers, in fact, think about Turkmen? The first draft of the
permanent Iraqi Constitution will be handed around; however, the
rights of Turkmen remained extremely under the rights given at the
interim Iraqi Administration Constitution that came into force two
years ago. I wonder why Turkmen are always excluded from the system.
Does their exclusion derive from all segments or is it the doing of
a certain segment? Undoubtedly, we know there are serious conflicts
between Arabs and Kurds and even among Arabs themselves. Sunni Arabs
already object to the inclusion of ethnicity in the constitution.
Shiite Arabs, on the other hand, oppose nationalism as a sect;
however, they look at Turkmen being registered as the third nation
affirmatively in order to oppose the Kurds. Since there are so many
controversial issues between Arabs and Kurds, most of them do not want
to become involved in a new controversial topic. Furthermore, as far
as it is seen, since Kurds and Shiites share many common interests,
both parties demand the adoption of a decision by compromise. Let
us get to the Kurds... It is obvious that the Barzani group looks
at Turkmen with a hostile attitude. The most delicate part of that
is the knot in the Kirkuk issue. If Kurds were not the majority in
Kirkuk, many hindrances for their acceptance as the third nation
would be removed today. According to Barzani's team, if Turkmen are
considered as the third nation, Kurdistan's annexation of Kirkuk will
be toughened. Since Turkmen will be perceived as an asset, they will
be required to sit at the table to reach a conclusion on Kirkuk's
future. Turkmen's fate seems mostly to be indexed to Kirkuk. Turkmen
should be regarded as a separate entity from the Kirkuk issue in
order to gain their rights. Turkmen being considered the same as
Keldoashuris, Armenians, Subbis and Yezidis whose total population
barely reach one million is also the messenger of a new conflict.
Then, instead of waving at least 2.5 million Turkmen aside by
underestimating or announcing them as a minority, and perceive them
as the third major element and oblige them to a mission and a duty it
may result in more beneficial consequences in terms of Iraq's future
while settling democracy and providing permanent peace in Iraq. The
most legitimate ground for this will be the Iraqi Constitution that
is being prepared. Approving Turkmen as the third largest element in
the new Iraqi Constitution will provide all Turkmen the chance to say
"YES" in the referendum and will prevent their opposition after being
dragged into the equation without a doubt.
*Professor Mahir Nakip is Erciyes University Faculty Member
by Mahir Nakip
Zaman, Turkey
Aug 24 2005
According to Arab, Turkish and Western sources, Muslim convert Turkmen
breaking away from Central Asia started to immigrate to Iraq during
the last decades of the Abbasids and settled in central and northern
Iraq as tribes during the Seljuk era in 1055.
The Kizilbash (literally "redhead") Turkmen were attached to these
settlements during the Safavi dynasty and they composed the basis of
today's Shiite Turkmen society in the region. According to Kerkuk
(Kirkuk) demographic records prepared by Matrakci Nasuh, clerk
of Ottoman Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent when the Ottoman army
was returning from the Bagdat (Baghdad) conquest through Kirkuk,
Turkmen living on the Baghdad-Kirkuk route were Kizilbash and those
living in the Kirkuk Castle were Sunni. Immigration from Anatolia
to northern Iraq has been low since it began after Ottoman Sultan
Murad IV's re-conquest of Baghdad. Those emigrating from Anatolia
to northern Iraq settled in Musul (Mosul), Erbil (Arbil), Kirkuk,
and Baghdad. Thus, current Turkmen settlements begin with Tel Afar,
which is near the Iraq-Syria-Turkey border, go through Mosul and Arbil,
and intensify in Altunkopru, Kirkuk, Dakuk, and Tuzhurmati. They lose
density in Hanekin and Mendeli close to the Iranian border of central
Iraq. The geographical band created by the Turkmen population includes
a buffer zone clearly separating the Kurdish region from the Arab
region. Turkmen live intermingled with Kurdish and Arab societies in
settlements near this band.
Turkey's Turkmen policy
British control dominant in the region in 1918 perceived Turkmen as
descendants of the Ottoman Empire and the young Republic of Turkey
after 1924. Yet, it did not ban the use of Turkish as the official
language in Turkmen public offices, schools, courts, and press because
of a necessity felt for it. Treatment during the period of the kingdom
was no different to this. However, the Iraqi Communist Party trying to
seize power after proclaiming of a republic on 14 July 1958 reached an
agreement with some Kurdish political groups, who were their equivalent
and viewed Turkmen as potential spies working on behalf of Turkey. They
also accused them of being Turanists (ultra-nationalists) and Turkey
followers. Former Turkish Prime Minister Adnan Menderes had ensured
Turkey's acceptance as a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)
member by pursuing a pro-American policy against the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics (USSR). Accusations directed against Turkmen at
that time can be seen as the outcome of Turkey's pro-American policy.
The main reason of the Turkmen's exile from Kirkuk to the south firstly
by the Baath Party in 1968 and secondly by Saddam Hussein in 1979 was
to banish them from oil resources and Turkey's borders. As a matter
of fact, when Saddam ordered the execution of four prominent Turkmen
in 1980, Turkey was disturbed by these executions. If Turkey still had
citizens in Iraq from the Ottoman times, it should come and take them;
said Saddam during a television broadcast after hearing that Turkey
was disturbed by the executions.
Developments after the March 2003 war confirmed the above opinion. It
was observed that Turkmen, who were rapidly becoming organized, had
brought their Iraqi identity to the foreground in all their political
formations. All statements by these political formations aimed at
Iraq's territorial integrity and the Iraqi people's brotherhood. They
did not lower Iraqi flags, loot state buildings, and start fires
around in Kirkuk, Tuzhurmatu, and Tel Afar, where their population
density is high. As a result, there was almost no Turkmen among those
captured for petty offences and imprisoned during this period. Indeed,
Turkmen also neither resisted nor took up arms against the Baghdad
administration in earlier political periods. They never organized
secret organizations either for independence or to bind them to
another country. It has not even been recorded in various histories
that Turkmen killed either an Arab or a Kurd for political reasons,
although they have been subjected to many massacres by other societies
in Iraq. That is to say, although others have violated their rights,
Turkmen have never violated the rights of Arabs or Kurds. Turkmen
are known as pacifists, intellectuals and the learned society in
Iraq. They have never taken part in fanatic political streams during
the last 100 years. For instance, as Arabs and Kurds have acquired a
communist party, Turkmen have never had a communist party. They have
also never become a member of the Iraqi Communist Party, which has
displayed considerable political activity in Iraq.
Today, there are only a few Islamic Turkmen parties and they have
never been seen being involved in fanatic political acts.
Currently, three different Turkmen political masses are marked on
the Iraqi political terrain. They are nationalists, Shiite-inclined
groups and those having close relations with Kurdish political
groups. These groups have a total of 15 seats in the Iraqi National
Assembly today. When observed their political programs, declarations
and rhetoric, and significant differences of opinion are visible, but
none of them has the notion or the inclination to separate from Iraq.
Turkmen within Iraq have not been able to form an official political
party before 2003 as Baghdad governments have refused to permit it.
Still, the Turkmen Brotherhood Hearth formed with the permission of
Baghdad in 1960, and Mosul and Arbil offices of this hearth contributed
to Turkmen uniting under the same roof and carrying out their cultural
existence. As Turkmen tried to preserve their national identity,
they also showed a unique example of democracy in Iraq.
This institution elected its president, executive boards and sub study
commissions in a democratic way until 1977. This platform even set the
stage for groups with a different understanding of public service to
encourage competition between them. The institution was handed over
to a controlled team forcefully and the anti-democratic method used
by Saddam's order in 1977 prevented Turkmen from conducting activities
in a democratic environment.
No place for Turkmen in the new Iraqi constitution
When we collect all the significant data, we see that Turkmen
voluntarily respect Iraqi territorial integrity, and are far from
racist and fanatic or aggressive in their views; but are a democratic
society that is peaceful, cultivated, having no dispute with anyone.
In this case, Turkmen may be perceived as a plaster that may bond
Arabs and Kurds, smothering their extreme activities and fill the
emptiness and gaps between them. As they did in their former regions,
Turkmen may take the political role of a strong, impartial and just
bridge between the two societies. Turkmen may be accepted as a good
balancing element; moreover, they may arbitrate in some ways to the
controversial issues since half Turkmen are Shiites and the other
half are Sunni. The differences of the sects never divided the Turkmen.
Upon the current situation, what do Iraqi policy-makers or policy
engineers, in fact, think about Turkmen? The first draft of the
permanent Iraqi Constitution will be handed around; however, the
rights of Turkmen remained extremely under the rights given at the
interim Iraqi Administration Constitution that came into force two
years ago. I wonder why Turkmen are always excluded from the system.
Does their exclusion derive from all segments or is it the doing of
a certain segment? Undoubtedly, we know there are serious conflicts
between Arabs and Kurds and even among Arabs themselves. Sunni Arabs
already object to the inclusion of ethnicity in the constitution.
Shiite Arabs, on the other hand, oppose nationalism as a sect;
however, they look at Turkmen being registered as the third nation
affirmatively in order to oppose the Kurds. Since there are so many
controversial issues between Arabs and Kurds, most of them do not want
to become involved in a new controversial topic. Furthermore, as far
as it is seen, since Kurds and Shiites share many common interests,
both parties demand the adoption of a decision by compromise. Let
us get to the Kurds... It is obvious that the Barzani group looks
at Turkmen with a hostile attitude. The most delicate part of that
is the knot in the Kirkuk issue. If Kurds were not the majority in
Kirkuk, many hindrances for their acceptance as the third nation
would be removed today. According to Barzani's team, if Turkmen are
considered as the third nation, Kurdistan's annexation of Kirkuk will
be toughened. Since Turkmen will be perceived as an asset, they will
be required to sit at the table to reach a conclusion on Kirkuk's
future. Turkmen's fate seems mostly to be indexed to Kirkuk. Turkmen
should be regarded as a separate entity from the Kirkuk issue in
order to gain their rights. Turkmen being considered the same as
Keldoashuris, Armenians, Subbis and Yezidis whose total population
barely reach one million is also the messenger of a new conflict.
Then, instead of waving at least 2.5 million Turkmen aside by
underestimating or announcing them as a minority, and perceive them
as the third major element and oblige them to a mission and a duty it
may result in more beneficial consequences in terms of Iraq's future
while settling democracy and providing permanent peace in Iraq. The
most legitimate ground for this will be the Iraqi Constitution that
is being prepared. Approving Turkmen as the third largest element in
the new Iraqi Constitution will provide all Turkmen the chance to say
"YES" in the referendum and will prevent their opposition after being
dragged into the equation without a doubt.
*Professor Mahir Nakip is Erciyes University Faculty Member