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Rabble.ca, Canada
Jan 12 2005
Ukraine: Regime change, Canada style
Yushchenko is `less bad than the other guy,' as my translator assured me.
by John Lewis
When Victor Yushchenko accepts the presidency of Ukraine later this
month, he'll have Paul Martin, among others, to thank.
The Prime Minister sent 500 election observers to Ukraine in December
to witness the re-run of what appeared to be a stolen presidential
election by an ex-communist party apparatchik. I was one of the
observers.
Western leaders, including Martin, coveted victory by a more westward
leaning candidate than the autocratic Victor Yanikovich, Yushchenko's
rival. In response, Canada sent its largest delegation ever to a
foreign election, helping Victor Yushchenko win the second round. As
in life, however, `democracy' is never so simple.
Martin has his own concerns. Canada has over one million people of
Ukrainian ancestry living within its borders. Most of these people
live in the West - in places like Edmonton - and the Liberal party is
vulnerable there. Ukrainian Canadians overwhelmingly favour
Yushchenko. Some of them were part of our delegation. When Canadian
domestic politics lined up so perfectly with international ones, the
decision for the Prime Minister to send observers was easy.
The neighbours
The same day as elections were held in Ukraine, the people in
Uzbekistan, a former Soviet state 3,000 kilometers, or 1,875 miles,
east of Kiev, elected a new Parliament. Only 21 international
observers were watching those elections because there wasn't much
interest and there wasn't much to see.
A victory for the pro-government party was a foregone conclusion
because there were no opposition candidates. The President has
stifled institutions that underpin a free and fair electoral process
- political parties, media freedom, an open atmosphere for civil
society organizations and freedom of assembly.
Azerbaijan's fraudulent presidential elections last year led to
terrible political violence, for which the government has imprisoned
many opposition leaders. I was in Baku for these elections and
witnessed public demonstrations in Azerbaijan by people trying to
express themselves just as people had done in Kiev. A protester was
beaten to death by police a few metres from my hotel.
In Armenia in the spring the government used a variety of arbitrary
measures to prevent massive rallies protesting falsified elections
the previous year. Two months ago the government of Kazakhstan rigged
the parliamentary vote, resulting in only one opposition party member
gaining a seat in the lower house of legislature. A couple of weeks
ago not a single opposition candidate was elected in Belarus's
parliamentary vote, as polling day fraud kept the opposition out.
Throughout the region, governments control television and try to
intimidate independent print media through defamation suits and
outright bullying. Human rights defenders are unlawfully jailed by
the authorities and subject to violent assaults by unknown attackers.
Russia, for its part, regularly cracks down on civil society.
President Vladimir Putin's government has seized control over what
had been a diverse, if not exactly free, broadcast media and began
using it to promote pro-government political candidates and vilify
the opposition.
Will Ukraine change?
But in Ukraine the West has a leader that will change all that. At
least, we think.
Like Yanikovich, however, Yushchenko has his own spotty record as
Prime Minister of Ukraine for us to examine.
Under Yushchenko both pensions and wages fell in real terms for
retired people and workers respectively. Yanikovich witnessed them
rise. And under Yushchenko many services were privatized, including
several state energy systems, and the results were disastrous, with
rising costs and diminishing supplies. The situation for both workers
and the elderly was made worse under Yushchenko. So, why is he so
popular?
His `reformism,' or his liberalizing attitude toward state
enterprises, makes Yushchenko attractive to western leaders,
including Paul Martin. Like President Bush, Prime Minister Martin is
a passionate free marketeer, trusting in the market to lift all
boats, and averse to state control. (Remember he headed the UN's team
for private sector-led poverty reduction).
While in Ukraine, for example, the Canadian delegation was promised a
party at the Embassy in recognition of our service as volunteers. The
party never materialized, at least for those of us without business
interests and contacts in the country. Not quite the `crusade for
democracy' that former Prime Minister (and leader of the Canadian
delegation) John Turner had promised in Ottawa.
Some of the U.S. delegates, for their part, members of the
International Republican Institute (IRI), an organization funded by
the Republican Party, held firm to the mantra that they were in
Ukraine not simply to ensure free and fair elections but also to
develop `free enterprise.' While I appreciate the IRI's candidness,
Ukrainians can expect American-style HMOs to replace the public
health system before too long.
Elections like this breed cynicism in the observer, but even an
economist friend who worked in the Finance Ministry under Yushchenko
believes that Ukraine will continue to suffer, even with the change
in election results. Yushchenko, he believes, will not improve the
conditions for the poor, the elderly or the working class.
But Yushchenko is popular with Ukrainians.
There's no mistaking young people's genuine affection for the man
heading the `Orange Revolution' in Ukraine. He's handsome (when his
body is not excreting poison), clever, and has a model American wife
and a foxy advisor, Yulia Tymoshenko.
Whether for these reasons or not, Yushchenko is `less bad than the
other guy,' as my translator assured me. Like my economist friend,
the translator is at least happy to be finally rid of the old regime.
Ukrainians understand, I think, what they're getting with the arrival
of democracy. For the West and for Ukrainians alike, it seems, the
election came down to this: support the lesser of two evils, support
for regime `upgrade,' if you like.
Canada's Paul Martin and the amused 500 helped make it happen.
But the PM still owes me a party.
John Lewis is Program Coordinator, International Human Rights, with
KAIROS.
From: Baghdasarian
Jan 12 2005
Ukraine: Regime change, Canada style
Yushchenko is `less bad than the other guy,' as my translator assured me.
by John Lewis
When Victor Yushchenko accepts the presidency of Ukraine later this
month, he'll have Paul Martin, among others, to thank.
The Prime Minister sent 500 election observers to Ukraine in December
to witness the re-run of what appeared to be a stolen presidential
election by an ex-communist party apparatchik. I was one of the
observers.
Western leaders, including Martin, coveted victory by a more westward
leaning candidate than the autocratic Victor Yanikovich, Yushchenko's
rival. In response, Canada sent its largest delegation ever to a
foreign election, helping Victor Yushchenko win the second round. As
in life, however, `democracy' is never so simple.
Martin has his own concerns. Canada has over one million people of
Ukrainian ancestry living within its borders. Most of these people
live in the West - in places like Edmonton - and the Liberal party is
vulnerable there. Ukrainian Canadians overwhelmingly favour
Yushchenko. Some of them were part of our delegation. When Canadian
domestic politics lined up so perfectly with international ones, the
decision for the Prime Minister to send observers was easy.
The neighbours
The same day as elections were held in Ukraine, the people in
Uzbekistan, a former Soviet state 3,000 kilometers, or 1,875 miles,
east of Kiev, elected a new Parliament. Only 21 international
observers were watching those elections because there wasn't much
interest and there wasn't much to see.
A victory for the pro-government party was a foregone conclusion
because there were no opposition candidates. The President has
stifled institutions that underpin a free and fair electoral process
- political parties, media freedom, an open atmosphere for civil
society organizations and freedom of assembly.
Azerbaijan's fraudulent presidential elections last year led to
terrible political violence, for which the government has imprisoned
many opposition leaders. I was in Baku for these elections and
witnessed public demonstrations in Azerbaijan by people trying to
express themselves just as people had done in Kiev. A protester was
beaten to death by police a few metres from my hotel.
In Armenia in the spring the government used a variety of arbitrary
measures to prevent massive rallies protesting falsified elections
the previous year. Two months ago the government of Kazakhstan rigged
the parliamentary vote, resulting in only one opposition party member
gaining a seat in the lower house of legislature. A couple of weeks
ago not a single opposition candidate was elected in Belarus's
parliamentary vote, as polling day fraud kept the opposition out.
Throughout the region, governments control television and try to
intimidate independent print media through defamation suits and
outright bullying. Human rights defenders are unlawfully jailed by
the authorities and subject to violent assaults by unknown attackers.
Russia, for its part, regularly cracks down on civil society.
President Vladimir Putin's government has seized control over what
had been a diverse, if not exactly free, broadcast media and began
using it to promote pro-government political candidates and vilify
the opposition.
Will Ukraine change?
But in Ukraine the West has a leader that will change all that. At
least, we think.
Like Yanikovich, however, Yushchenko has his own spotty record as
Prime Minister of Ukraine for us to examine.
Under Yushchenko both pensions and wages fell in real terms for
retired people and workers respectively. Yanikovich witnessed them
rise. And under Yushchenko many services were privatized, including
several state energy systems, and the results were disastrous, with
rising costs and diminishing supplies. The situation for both workers
and the elderly was made worse under Yushchenko. So, why is he so
popular?
His `reformism,' or his liberalizing attitude toward state
enterprises, makes Yushchenko attractive to western leaders,
including Paul Martin. Like President Bush, Prime Minister Martin is
a passionate free marketeer, trusting in the market to lift all
boats, and averse to state control. (Remember he headed the UN's team
for private sector-led poverty reduction).
While in Ukraine, for example, the Canadian delegation was promised a
party at the Embassy in recognition of our service as volunteers. The
party never materialized, at least for those of us without business
interests and contacts in the country. Not quite the `crusade for
democracy' that former Prime Minister (and leader of the Canadian
delegation) John Turner had promised in Ottawa.
Some of the U.S. delegates, for their part, members of the
International Republican Institute (IRI), an organization funded by
the Republican Party, held firm to the mantra that they were in
Ukraine not simply to ensure free and fair elections but also to
develop `free enterprise.' While I appreciate the IRI's candidness,
Ukrainians can expect American-style HMOs to replace the public
health system before too long.
Elections like this breed cynicism in the observer, but even an
economist friend who worked in the Finance Ministry under Yushchenko
believes that Ukraine will continue to suffer, even with the change
in election results. Yushchenko, he believes, will not improve the
conditions for the poor, the elderly or the working class.
But Yushchenko is popular with Ukrainians.
There's no mistaking young people's genuine affection for the man
heading the `Orange Revolution' in Ukraine. He's handsome (when his
body is not excreting poison), clever, and has a model American wife
and a foxy advisor, Yulia Tymoshenko.
Whether for these reasons or not, Yushchenko is `less bad than the
other guy,' as my translator assured me. Like my economist friend,
the translator is at least happy to be finally rid of the old regime.
Ukrainians understand, I think, what they're getting with the arrival
of democracy. For the West and for Ukrainians alike, it seems, the
election came down to this: support the lesser of two evils, support
for regime `upgrade,' if you like.
Canada's Paul Martin and the amused 500 helped make it happen.
But the PM still owes me a party.
John Lewis is Program Coordinator, International Human Rights, with
KAIROS.
From: Baghdasarian