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    Boston Globe, MA
    Jan 25 2005

    Never again
    By James Carroll | January 25, 2005

    THIS WEEK marks the 60th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz.
    When news eventually came to America of what the Red Army found at
    that death camp in January 1945, the report was remarkably detailed.


    The headline of a first New York Times story about Auschwitz, filed
    from Moscow on May 8, 1945, read, "Oswiecim Killings Placed at
    4,000,000." This number overstated by a factor of two the total of
    those murdered at Auschwitz, yet the account seemed closely observed
    in most other respects. The remains of the victims were described --
    the charnel pits and piles of ashes, the corpses. The mechanized
    death process was explained, with a careful description of the gas
    chambers, down, even, to the name of the manufacturer of the
    crematoria -- Topf and Son. The identities of the victims were given
    as "more than 4,000,000 citizens" of a list of European nations --
    Poland, Hungary, Netherlands, France. But what is most remarkable
    about the Times story -- apart from the fact that it was buried on
    page 12 -- is that in defining the identities of those victims, the
    story never used the word "Jew."

    Many non-Jewish Poles were murdered at Auschwitz, but the vast
    majority of the dead were Jews -- killed for being Jewish. Indeed, of
    all the death camps, Auschwitz was most expressly commissioned to
    murder of Jews. Yet the New York Times reporter apparently saw
    nothing untoward in passing along a Soviet report that made no
    mention of Jews at Auschwitz. The murdered were Dutch, or French.
    They were men, women and children. They were old. They were Italian.
    Nothing about their being Jewish, which for the Nazis was the only
    thing that counted. The Times reporter was C. L. Sulzberger.

    My attention was drawn to this story by a study of Holocaust news
    coverage I conducted at the Kennedy School's Shorenstein Center for
    Press, Politics and Public Policy. I discovered that after World War
    II the broader world was shockingly slow in acknowledging the most
    distinctive feature of the Nazi death-camp system -- that, whoever
    its other victims were, it was created expressly to eliminate the
    Jewish people.

    Yet in the war's immediate aftermath, little attention was drawn to
    the fate of the millions of Jews who died in those camps. The
    desperate people released from those hell holes after liberation,
    like those who had already been murdered, were routinely referred to
    in governmental and journalistic reports as "resisters," "prisoners,"
    "interned civilians," "displaced persons," and so on.

    The New York Times index did not cite stories about concentration
    camps under the category "Jews" until 1950. It was not until 1975
    that the index category "Nazi Policies Toward Jews" appeared.

    Western culture came very slowly -- and reluctantly -- to a full
    reckoning with what the Nazis set out to do in the heart of Europe.
    The work of writers (Elie Wiesel, of course, but also the likes of
    Primo Levi and Cynthia Ozick); teaching by educators (for example,
    Facing History and Ourselves); the demands of heirs (challenges to
    Swiss banks and art museums); the movement to establish Holocaust
    museums and memorials; the recognitions tied to anniversaries,
    especially as witnessing survivors aged and began to die -- all of
    this has helped to lay bare what makes the Nazi crime against the
    Jews a matter of acute moral concern for the civilization out of
    which it grew.

    The Master Race ideology depended on contempt for various racial and
    ethnic groups, including Slavs to the east of Germany and
    Mediterranean peoples to the south. But Hitler's anti-Jewish agenda
    was unlike the impulses behind his other crimes, or other horrors of
    history. To insist on this is not to engage in the competition of
    victim groups, or the pointless setting of genocides against each
    other, as if Polish, Armenian, or Cambodian suffering weighs less
    than Jewish suffering.

    What gives the anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz its special
    gravity is that this crime, while committed by Nazis -- and the
    particular guilt of the perpetrators must always be insisted upon --
    could not have occurred but for the religiously and culturally
    justified anti-Semitism that both spawned the crime and then enabled
    it nearly to succeed. Therefore, the word "Auschwitz" stands now not
    merely as a marker of the evil that gripped Germany for a time, but
    also as an ongoing challenge to the conscience of the broader culture
    whose, yes, complicity was hinted at in the way it at first deflected
    the most important thing about the horror that had unfolded there.

    James Carroll's column appears regularly in the Globe.
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