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VARTAN OSKANIAN: IT HAS BEEN THE SELECTIVE AMNESIA OF THE TURKISH
ESTABLISHMENT WHICH IS THE STUMBLING BLOCK TO EFFORTS TO RECKON WITH
OUR COMMON PAST
LONDON, JUNE 17, NOYAN TAPAN - ARMENIANS TODAY. As it was reported,
Armenian Foreign Minster Vartan Oskanian made a speech at the
Genocide Commemoration Conference held in the House of Lords of
the British Parliament. The text of Minister Oskanian's speech was
provided to NT by the press service of the State Commission on the
Commemoration of the 90th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide and
reads as follows: I am pleased to join you in this remembrance of the
first genocide of the last century. Since then, the millennium has
changed, but man has not. That tragedy, that crime against humanity,
was followed by a dozen more such politically motivated murders of
entire nations. Today, at the beginning of the 21st century, in Darfur,
we are again witnessing a world caught up in condemnation, but lacking
the political will to name and stop the perpetrators of genocide. It
is history repeating itself. This year, on and around April 24,
we marked the 90th anniversary of the Genocide of Armenians. British
political life kept you from doing so here, and so today in June, this
conference reminds us that remembering and condemning are not limited
to anniversaries. I appreciate that this commemoration is taking
place in Great Britain, the home of Arnold Toynbee and James Bryce -
a historian and a diplomat who were charged with examining documents
about the treatment of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. Today's
Turkish government wants to review and rewrite their work. That is
what Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan said in a letter addressed to
the British Parliament earlier this year. It's not enough that they
have spent a good part of this century rewriting their own history,
now they want to rewrite yours. In the year 2005, in a world that no
longer has empires and colonies, in a world where it is lofty ideals
which unite countries and nations in alliances and guide their policies
and engagements, it is at the very least disheartening that a modern
Turkish government - hailed as a democratic beacon, an example of the
victory of universal ideals over sectarian beliefs - can continue
to cynically deny their history, AND ours. When a government plans
to do away with its own population to solve a political problem -
that's genocide. At the turn of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire
was shrinking, it was losing its hold over its subjects along the
periphery of the empire. For fear that in Anatolia, too, the Armenian
minority would agitate for greater rights and invite foreign powers to
exert pressure, the Ottoman leadership used the cover of World War I
to attempt to wipe out the Armenians. US Ambassador Henry Morgenthau
called what he witnessed, the Murder of a Nation. Others called it
'race murder'. They did so because there was no term Genocide yet. When
the word was finally coined in 1944 by Raphael Lemkin, it was done with
clear reference to genocidal acts prior to that date, the Armenian
Genocide included. There is no doubt that if the word genocide had
existed in 1915, every one of the hundreds of articles would have
used the term. In the face of this, Turkey's continued insistence on
rejecting and rewriting history costs them credibility and time. Two
months ago, Prime Minister Erdogan wrote a second letter. It was
addressed to my President - although they gave it to the press before
they gave it to us. The letter said let's set up a joint historical
commission and let them study what he called this 'disputed period in
history'. He said it would constitute a step towards contributing to
the normalization of relations between our countries. We would like
nothing more than normalization between our countries. But we think he
has it backwards. We need some normalization between our countries in
order for a joint commission to be able to work on this or any other
dispute. There is nothing normal about our relationship today. Within
Turkey, there is not a normal environment in which to discuss these
issues. In the two months since this letter was issued, Turkey has
ratified a penal code which makes use of the word genocide a punis
hable crime. In the two months since this letter, Turkey has put on
trial several writers and historians for use of the word genocide,
and most recently even for use of the term 'massacre'. In the two
months since this letter, Turkish authorities forced the cancellation
of an academic conference co-sponsored by three Turkish universities,
with the very politically correct title: Ottoman Armenians During
the Decline of the Empire. One does not knock on Europe's door
by blindfolding historians and gagging writers. In this kind of
environment, what are the members of the commission supposed to
discuss? In the absence of relations between the two governments, who
is to appoint them and who are they to report to? Denial and rejection
have taken deep root in Turkish society. They've been justified
by a rhetoric of Armenian treachery, aggression, criminality and
territorial ambition. The political consequence of this rationale has
been a unilateral closing of the Armenian-Turkish border. There have
been no normal exchanges, interactions or relations across our borders
- not in Soviet times, and not since our independence. Does Turkey
wish to spend the whole of the next century obstinately cementing the
memories and reproaches of the past? When will we move on to creating
a new context within which these two neighbors will be able to share
a common space, create new experiences and grow to live together
without acrimony or hostility? Armenians need recognition for very
tangible security reasons, as well, and not just in the interests
of historical justice. Consigning these difficult issues to a few
academics and experts, in such a vacuum, is not a genuine attempt
at creating a dialog. The massive resources and reputation of the
Turkish state have been invested in evading history and avoiding the
term genocide. It will take the engagement of that same Turkish state
to begin a dialog. We are not the only neighbors in the world who
have had, and who continue to have, a troubled relationship. That
is what President Kocharian said to Prime Minister Erdogan in
his response. He also said that Armenia is ready for a political
dialog. Under the rubric of a political dialog, all other kinds of
discussions - about today's borders and yesterday's history - can
take place. Under the rubric of a political dialog, those responsible,
committed and empowered to act can be engaged in the healing. Today's
Turks do not bear the guilt of the perpetrators, unless they choose
to defend and identify with them. Armenians and Turks, together with
the rest of the modern world, can reject the actions and denounce
the crimes of the Ottoman Empire. Some Turkish writers and academics
have begun down that difficult road to introspection and study. Some
are doing so publicly and with great transparency. In this context,
it is essential that the international community doesn't turn a
blind eye, but instead consistently extends its hand, its example,
its own history of transcending. Every nation edits its own past -
just as it edits visions of its future. It has been the selective
amnesia of the Turkish establishment which is the stumbling block
to efforts to reckon with our common past. We continue to hope that
Turkey's 21st century vision of a future in Europe, and Europe's
vision of a Europe with Turkey, will overtake 19th century politics.
ESTABLISHMENT WHICH IS THE STUMBLING BLOCK TO EFFORTS TO RECKON WITH
OUR COMMON PAST
LONDON, JUNE 17, NOYAN TAPAN - ARMENIANS TODAY. As it was reported,
Armenian Foreign Minster Vartan Oskanian made a speech at the
Genocide Commemoration Conference held in the House of Lords of
the British Parliament. The text of Minister Oskanian's speech was
provided to NT by the press service of the State Commission on the
Commemoration of the 90th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide and
reads as follows: I am pleased to join you in this remembrance of the
first genocide of the last century. Since then, the millennium has
changed, but man has not. That tragedy, that crime against humanity,
was followed by a dozen more such politically motivated murders of
entire nations. Today, at the beginning of the 21st century, in Darfur,
we are again witnessing a world caught up in condemnation, but lacking
the political will to name and stop the perpetrators of genocide. It
is history repeating itself. This year, on and around April 24,
we marked the 90th anniversary of the Genocide of Armenians. British
political life kept you from doing so here, and so today in June, this
conference reminds us that remembering and condemning are not limited
to anniversaries. I appreciate that this commemoration is taking
place in Great Britain, the home of Arnold Toynbee and James Bryce -
a historian and a diplomat who were charged with examining documents
about the treatment of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. Today's
Turkish government wants to review and rewrite their work. That is
what Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan said in a letter addressed to
the British Parliament earlier this year. It's not enough that they
have spent a good part of this century rewriting their own history,
now they want to rewrite yours. In the year 2005, in a world that no
longer has empires and colonies, in a world where it is lofty ideals
which unite countries and nations in alliances and guide their policies
and engagements, it is at the very least disheartening that a modern
Turkish government - hailed as a democratic beacon, an example of the
victory of universal ideals over sectarian beliefs - can continue
to cynically deny their history, AND ours. When a government plans
to do away with its own population to solve a political problem -
that's genocide. At the turn of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire
was shrinking, it was losing its hold over its subjects along the
periphery of the empire. For fear that in Anatolia, too, the Armenian
minority would agitate for greater rights and invite foreign powers to
exert pressure, the Ottoman leadership used the cover of World War I
to attempt to wipe out the Armenians. US Ambassador Henry Morgenthau
called what he witnessed, the Murder of a Nation. Others called it
'race murder'. They did so because there was no term Genocide yet. When
the word was finally coined in 1944 by Raphael Lemkin, it was done with
clear reference to genocidal acts prior to that date, the Armenian
Genocide included. There is no doubt that if the word genocide had
existed in 1915, every one of the hundreds of articles would have
used the term. In the face of this, Turkey's continued insistence on
rejecting and rewriting history costs them credibility and time. Two
months ago, Prime Minister Erdogan wrote a second letter. It was
addressed to my President - although they gave it to the press before
they gave it to us. The letter said let's set up a joint historical
commission and let them study what he called this 'disputed period in
history'. He said it would constitute a step towards contributing to
the normalization of relations between our countries. We would like
nothing more than normalization between our countries. But we think he
has it backwards. We need some normalization between our countries in
order for a joint commission to be able to work on this or any other
dispute. There is nothing normal about our relationship today. Within
Turkey, there is not a normal environment in which to discuss these
issues. In the two months since this letter was issued, Turkey has
ratified a penal code which makes use of the word genocide a punis
hable crime. In the two months since this letter, Turkey has put on
trial several writers and historians for use of the word genocide,
and most recently even for use of the term 'massacre'. In the two
months since this letter, Turkish authorities forced the cancellation
of an academic conference co-sponsored by three Turkish universities,
with the very politically correct title: Ottoman Armenians During
the Decline of the Empire. One does not knock on Europe's door
by blindfolding historians and gagging writers. In this kind of
environment, what are the members of the commission supposed to
discuss? In the absence of relations between the two governments, who
is to appoint them and who are they to report to? Denial and rejection
have taken deep root in Turkish society. They've been justified
by a rhetoric of Armenian treachery, aggression, criminality and
territorial ambition. The political consequence of this rationale has
been a unilateral closing of the Armenian-Turkish border. There have
been no normal exchanges, interactions or relations across our borders
- not in Soviet times, and not since our independence. Does Turkey
wish to spend the whole of the next century obstinately cementing the
memories and reproaches of the past? When will we move on to creating
a new context within which these two neighbors will be able to share
a common space, create new experiences and grow to live together
without acrimony or hostility? Armenians need recognition for very
tangible security reasons, as well, and not just in the interests
of historical justice. Consigning these difficult issues to a few
academics and experts, in such a vacuum, is not a genuine attempt
at creating a dialog. The massive resources and reputation of the
Turkish state have been invested in evading history and avoiding the
term genocide. It will take the engagement of that same Turkish state
to begin a dialog. We are not the only neighbors in the world who
have had, and who continue to have, a troubled relationship. That
is what President Kocharian said to Prime Minister Erdogan in
his response. He also said that Armenia is ready for a political
dialog. Under the rubric of a political dialog, all other kinds of
discussions - about today's borders and yesterday's history - can
take place. Under the rubric of a political dialog, those responsible,
committed and empowered to act can be engaged in the healing. Today's
Turks do not bear the guilt of the perpetrators, unless they choose
to defend and identify with them. Armenians and Turks, together with
the rest of the modern world, can reject the actions and denounce
the crimes of the Ottoman Empire. Some Turkish writers and academics
have begun down that difficult road to introspection and study. Some
are doing so publicly and with great transparency. In this context,
it is essential that the international community doesn't turn a
blind eye, but instead consistently extends its hand, its example,
its own history of transcending. Every nation edits its own past -
just as it edits visions of its future. It has been the selective
amnesia of the Turkish establishment which is the stumbling block
to efforts to reckon with our common past. We continue to hope that
Turkey's 21st century vision of a future in Europe, and Europe's
vision of a Europe with Turkey, will overtake 19th century politics.