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Cyprus Mail, Cyprus
May 29 2005
Feature - Ozdemir Cem: the German-Turkish Green MEP
By Myria Antoniadou
HE is an upcoming star in German politics and the Green Party. Young,
sharp, a good communicator, with strong opinions, who entered
politics not because of his Turkish descent but rather his `green
views'.
Ozdemir Cem was born in Germany, the EU country with nearly three
million people of Turkish descent, making it the biggest Turkish
minority in Europe. He was the first German of Turkish background to
be elected to the Bundestag and later the European Parliament, a
`role model' for progressive Turks but disliked by the conservatives.
In an interview with the Sunday Mail in Brussels this week, the
40-year-old MEP said Turkey must deal with the dark side and the good
chapters of its history, while, referring to Cyprus, he stressed that
the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots must end.
Cem underlined that Europe must bring Turkey close, said there was no
going back from accession negotiations and appeared concerned with
the repercussions that a negative attitude towards Turkey may have
within the country itself.
Q. What impact could the early elections in Germany have on Turkey?
A. When one of the big member states is absorbed in election
campaigning, European projects are affected, for example the budget
negotiations or the services directive. Concerning Turkey, the facts
are set: opening of accession negotiations is planned for October 3.
Even if the government in Germany changes to a conservative
coalition, this will not be affected, because it was a decision
unanimously taken by the European Council, supported by the
Commission and the European Parliament. But of course there won't be
the same support as in the present government. So a change would not
be about procedure but rather about atmosphere. The repercussions in
Turkey of a more cautious German stance are much more of a concern to
me. This might play in the hands of ultra-nationalist and anti-EU
groups who do everything to prevent reform in the country.
Q. Would Turkey be affected by a `no' in the Constitution referendum
in France?
A. If the ratification couldn't be successfully concluded, it would
seriously damage the European integration process, also resetting
co-ordinates for future enlargements. Enlargement is a two-way
street. Accession countries have to do their homework but the EU has
to be ready as well and without the constitution the Union faces a
serious shortcoming. This situation would probably not put end to
enlargement but it would certainly encourage the anti-enlargement
camp in the EU.
Q. Would you say European leaders are being honest by opening
accession talks with Turkey and not daring to have a dialogue with
their citizens?
A. Sometimes it is helpful to look at previous enlargements. Judging
from the sentiment towards last May's enlargement or the earlier
southern enlargement, it seems that fears are always similar: cheap
labour and `jobs export' to the new member states, crime, illegal
migration, etc. It is the politicians' duty openly to address these
concerns, put things into perspective and publicly fight for what
they consider the right path.
Until recently there was consensus within the EU, shared by the US,
that it is in our interest to have Turkey moving towards Europe,
making her our ever closer ally and moving beyond defence
co-operation and privileged economic relations. We need to strengthen
our common basis of values so that neither Islamists nor nationalists
become too strong and so that Turkey transforms into a truly
democratic and open society, proving Islam and democracy do go
together. This is something we should all agree upon, no matter which
political camp we belong to.
Q. Europeans seem to have a phobia towards Muslims, so how easy will
it be to convince them?
A: We shouldn't create artificial dividing lines. Let me give you an
example from my recent visit to the Greek Orthodox monasteries on
Mount Athos, where I realised Christian unity is sometimes also a
myth. For the Orthodox priests, I, as a Muslim, was not a problem
because they already have fixed views about Muslims, but a Protestant
friend with me was even more foreign to them and regarded even more
sceptically.
The idea of one Christian world is a myth and the idea of one Islamic
world is an even bigger myth. What do I have in common with a Saudi
Arabian Muslim just because my parents come from Turkey and I am a
Sunni Muslim? Absolutely nothing, and this can be said about the
majority of people in Turkey.
Q. Maybe one problem is the integration of immigrants in Europe?
A. Most European countries, Germany in particular, have no tradition
in dealing with diversity. Germany was not used to Muslim immigrants
and has avoided addressing this properly for a long time. We also
have a new situation today where migrants, thanks to cheaper travel
and telecommunication, keep strong ties to their countries of origin.
Integrating these people is a new challenge.
Personally, I have a `patchwork identity', I take what I like best of
both cultures. It is the role and challenge of immigrants children,
to show that it is possible to be a European citizen, a convinced
member of our societies and at the same time a Muslim, perhaps
speaking Turkish or Arabic at home. The countries of origin also have
a part in this. It is only recently that Turkey for example changed
its position and instead of viewing Turks abroad as cheap lobby
groups, the Erdogan government now asks Turkish migrants to become
citizens and integrate in their new countries.
Q. The Armenian question has created a big discussion in Turkey: what
do you think, having recently organised a discussion on it?
A. It is important to listen to people that usually don't have a
voice in this debate in Europe. Usually we hear the Armenian diaspora
or Turkish state officials. The stance of Armenians in Turkey is
generally brushed aside. The same is true for liberal views in the
Turkish community, people who understand that the official Turkish
position is everything but describing the truth. Turkey has to open
the borders with Armenia, change its policy towards freedom of
religion, and it must deal with its history. To be a strong country,
it has to balance its self-perception and deal with both, the dark
chapters of its history as well as the good ones.
Q. How do you view the situation of the Turkish Cypriots in relation
to the EU?
A. Unfortunately the situation is currently a very complicated one.
The people who backed reforms in Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots who
want a solution for their island don't see their efforts paying off.
The isolation of the north has to be ended and the EU must soon find
a way to ease the situation for the north as was promised. After the
EU accession of Cyprus we witness political rapprochement on hold.
The Greek Cypriot's position in the EU, particularly in the Council,
has hardened. Also within the EP, certainly, Turkish Cypriots are not
represented, neither is the moderate solution-oriented minority in
the south. We need to give these voices a floor in Europe to foster
change for the better of the island.
May 29 2005
Feature - Ozdemir Cem: the German-Turkish Green MEP
By Myria Antoniadou
HE is an upcoming star in German politics and the Green Party. Young,
sharp, a good communicator, with strong opinions, who entered
politics not because of his Turkish descent but rather his `green
views'.
Ozdemir Cem was born in Germany, the EU country with nearly three
million people of Turkish descent, making it the biggest Turkish
minority in Europe. He was the first German of Turkish background to
be elected to the Bundestag and later the European Parliament, a
`role model' for progressive Turks but disliked by the conservatives.
In an interview with the Sunday Mail in Brussels this week, the
40-year-old MEP said Turkey must deal with the dark side and the good
chapters of its history, while, referring to Cyprus, he stressed that
the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots must end.
Cem underlined that Europe must bring Turkey close, said there was no
going back from accession negotiations and appeared concerned with
the repercussions that a negative attitude towards Turkey may have
within the country itself.
Q. What impact could the early elections in Germany have on Turkey?
A. When one of the big member states is absorbed in election
campaigning, European projects are affected, for example the budget
negotiations or the services directive. Concerning Turkey, the facts
are set: opening of accession negotiations is planned for October 3.
Even if the government in Germany changes to a conservative
coalition, this will not be affected, because it was a decision
unanimously taken by the European Council, supported by the
Commission and the European Parliament. But of course there won't be
the same support as in the present government. So a change would not
be about procedure but rather about atmosphere. The repercussions in
Turkey of a more cautious German stance are much more of a concern to
me. This might play in the hands of ultra-nationalist and anti-EU
groups who do everything to prevent reform in the country.
Q. Would Turkey be affected by a `no' in the Constitution referendum
in France?
A. If the ratification couldn't be successfully concluded, it would
seriously damage the European integration process, also resetting
co-ordinates for future enlargements. Enlargement is a two-way
street. Accession countries have to do their homework but the EU has
to be ready as well and without the constitution the Union faces a
serious shortcoming. This situation would probably not put end to
enlargement but it would certainly encourage the anti-enlargement
camp in the EU.
Q. Would you say European leaders are being honest by opening
accession talks with Turkey and not daring to have a dialogue with
their citizens?
A. Sometimes it is helpful to look at previous enlargements. Judging
from the sentiment towards last May's enlargement or the earlier
southern enlargement, it seems that fears are always similar: cheap
labour and `jobs export' to the new member states, crime, illegal
migration, etc. It is the politicians' duty openly to address these
concerns, put things into perspective and publicly fight for what
they consider the right path.
Until recently there was consensus within the EU, shared by the US,
that it is in our interest to have Turkey moving towards Europe,
making her our ever closer ally and moving beyond defence
co-operation and privileged economic relations. We need to strengthen
our common basis of values so that neither Islamists nor nationalists
become too strong and so that Turkey transforms into a truly
democratic and open society, proving Islam and democracy do go
together. This is something we should all agree upon, no matter which
political camp we belong to.
Q. Europeans seem to have a phobia towards Muslims, so how easy will
it be to convince them?
A: We shouldn't create artificial dividing lines. Let me give you an
example from my recent visit to the Greek Orthodox monasteries on
Mount Athos, where I realised Christian unity is sometimes also a
myth. For the Orthodox priests, I, as a Muslim, was not a problem
because they already have fixed views about Muslims, but a Protestant
friend with me was even more foreign to them and regarded even more
sceptically.
The idea of one Christian world is a myth and the idea of one Islamic
world is an even bigger myth. What do I have in common with a Saudi
Arabian Muslim just because my parents come from Turkey and I am a
Sunni Muslim? Absolutely nothing, and this can be said about the
majority of people in Turkey.
Q. Maybe one problem is the integration of immigrants in Europe?
A. Most European countries, Germany in particular, have no tradition
in dealing with diversity. Germany was not used to Muslim immigrants
and has avoided addressing this properly for a long time. We also
have a new situation today where migrants, thanks to cheaper travel
and telecommunication, keep strong ties to their countries of origin.
Integrating these people is a new challenge.
Personally, I have a `patchwork identity', I take what I like best of
both cultures. It is the role and challenge of immigrants children,
to show that it is possible to be a European citizen, a convinced
member of our societies and at the same time a Muslim, perhaps
speaking Turkish or Arabic at home. The countries of origin also have
a part in this. It is only recently that Turkey for example changed
its position and instead of viewing Turks abroad as cheap lobby
groups, the Erdogan government now asks Turkish migrants to become
citizens and integrate in their new countries.
Q. The Armenian question has created a big discussion in Turkey: what
do you think, having recently organised a discussion on it?
A. It is important to listen to people that usually don't have a
voice in this debate in Europe. Usually we hear the Armenian diaspora
or Turkish state officials. The stance of Armenians in Turkey is
generally brushed aside. The same is true for liberal views in the
Turkish community, people who understand that the official Turkish
position is everything but describing the truth. Turkey has to open
the borders with Armenia, change its policy towards freedom of
religion, and it must deal with its history. To be a strong country,
it has to balance its self-perception and deal with both, the dark
chapters of its history as well as the good ones.
Q. How do you view the situation of the Turkish Cypriots in relation
to the EU?
A. Unfortunately the situation is currently a very complicated one.
The people who backed reforms in Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots who
want a solution for their island don't see their efforts paying off.
The isolation of the north has to be ended and the EU must soon find
a way to ease the situation for the north as was promised. After the
EU accession of Cyprus we witness political rapprochement on hold.
The Greek Cypriot's position in the EU, particularly in the Council,
has hardened. Also within the EP, certainly, Turkish Cypriots are not
represented, neither is the moderate solution-oriented minority in
the south. We need to give these voices a floor in Europe to foster
change for the better of the island.