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GEORGIA'S NEW FOREIGN POLICY SEEKS FRIENDS FROM THE WEST AND THE NORTH
The Messenger, Georgia
Oct 10 2005
Recently Foreign Minister Salome Zourabichvili spoke to the
Parliamentary Committees of Foreign Affairs and European Integration
about Georgia's position in the international community and the
nation's foreign policy priorities. While the current government can
be applauded for its active steps to join Western alliances, much
remains to be done. The current foreign policy from Tbilisi seems
to be defined by its approach to the three traditional superpowers:
Europe, the United States, and Russia.
Despite reforms and other projects, Georgian integration into the EU
is still many years away from being seriously considered. According
Zourabichvili, the EU is partly to blame for the current stagnation
surrounding Georgia's integration into the EU.
The foreign minister rebuked the European Union for its inattentiveness
in regard to Georgia; specifically she was displeased that the EU
has twice postponed the arrival of its official delegation to the
Caucasus. According to her, Georgia is being punished along with
Azerbaijan after Azerbaijan's violation of an international agreement
regarding Cyprus.
"We have officially declared our protest concerning this issue. This
is not what the member countries had agreed upon. Work on plans for
cooperation was to have been individual and not regional. We don't
want the region to be split up, but at the same time we believe
that the action plans must be based on each individual country's
priorities. Every country has a unique set of problems, so it is
not acceptable to hold joint talks," Minister Zourabichvili stated,
accoding to the newspaper Rezonansi.
It is hard to say what influence the Georgian protest will have on
the EU or whether it will change the alliance's regional approach.
Meanwhile, Washington has stepped into the role of Georgia's closest
strategic partner.
The nature of Georgian-American relations has changed dramatically
since the Rose Revolution. Before, Washington looked upon Georgia as
a country of geopolitical significance and acted accordingly. Its
efforts to support the country's independence were often a direct
result of efforts to maintain stability for the transport of energy
resources. After the revolution, Georgia became an active partner
of the United States; a key expression of this partnership was the
visit of the American president this May.
While Tbilisi seems to have good relations with both Europe and the
United States, Georgia continues to have problems with its policy
toward Russia. After the Rose Revolution, the Georgian government
proposed to Russia that the countries start relations from a 'clean
slate' and forget old grudges. But unfortunately, Russia was not so
quick to 'forgive and forget.' However, there have been some positive
developments. After years of seemingly futile negotiations, this May
an agreement was finally reached on the withdrawal of Russia's two
remaining military bases in that country.
The most painful issue today in Georgian-Russian relations remains
Moscow's continued support for the separatist regimes in Tskhinvali and
Sokhumi and their policy of 'creeping annexation' in regard to these
two Georgian regions. President Mikheil Saakashvili drew attention
to the issue in his address before the UN General Assembly and the
Georgian Parliament adopted a resolution establishing deadlines
for the peacekeepers in the conflict regions to either change their
pro-separatist attitude or lose their mandate.
The main target of Georgia's foreign policy is the resolution of the
conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. According to Zourabichvili,
by the end of 2005 the government will have a concrete plan of steps
to be taken for the peaceful resolution of the conflicts and in 2006
significant progress is to be anticipated in this regard.
Despite its troubled relationship with Moscow, the government
is in no hurry to leave the Commonwealth of Independent States
(CIS), although certain steps have been taken to prepare for this
possibility. Recently, Georgian embassies abroad were charged with
presenting their views 'on Georgia's economic interests in the CIS'
to the foreign minister.
Georgia's relations with its other neighbors, meanwhile, are going
relatively well. Strong strategic partnerships have been forged with
the Ukraine, Turkey and Azerbaijan and, despite having very different
foreign policy priorities, relations with Armenia are also developing.
It is clear that the current administration makes its foreign policy a
matter of priority. While the successful steps toward Western alliances
like NATO and EU membership are praiseworthy, Tbilisi must concentrate
on finding peaceful solutions to its on going power struggle with
Moscow-and the separatist leaders hiding behind the Kremlin's support.
The Messenger, Georgia
Oct 10 2005
Recently Foreign Minister Salome Zourabichvili spoke to the
Parliamentary Committees of Foreign Affairs and European Integration
about Georgia's position in the international community and the
nation's foreign policy priorities. While the current government can
be applauded for its active steps to join Western alliances, much
remains to be done. The current foreign policy from Tbilisi seems
to be defined by its approach to the three traditional superpowers:
Europe, the United States, and Russia.
Despite reforms and other projects, Georgian integration into the EU
is still many years away from being seriously considered. According
Zourabichvili, the EU is partly to blame for the current stagnation
surrounding Georgia's integration into the EU.
The foreign minister rebuked the European Union for its inattentiveness
in regard to Georgia; specifically she was displeased that the EU
has twice postponed the arrival of its official delegation to the
Caucasus. According to her, Georgia is being punished along with
Azerbaijan after Azerbaijan's violation of an international agreement
regarding Cyprus.
"We have officially declared our protest concerning this issue. This
is not what the member countries had agreed upon. Work on plans for
cooperation was to have been individual and not regional. We don't
want the region to be split up, but at the same time we believe
that the action plans must be based on each individual country's
priorities. Every country has a unique set of problems, so it is
not acceptable to hold joint talks," Minister Zourabichvili stated,
accoding to the newspaper Rezonansi.
It is hard to say what influence the Georgian protest will have on
the EU or whether it will change the alliance's regional approach.
Meanwhile, Washington has stepped into the role of Georgia's closest
strategic partner.
The nature of Georgian-American relations has changed dramatically
since the Rose Revolution. Before, Washington looked upon Georgia as
a country of geopolitical significance and acted accordingly. Its
efforts to support the country's independence were often a direct
result of efforts to maintain stability for the transport of energy
resources. After the revolution, Georgia became an active partner
of the United States; a key expression of this partnership was the
visit of the American president this May.
While Tbilisi seems to have good relations with both Europe and the
United States, Georgia continues to have problems with its policy
toward Russia. After the Rose Revolution, the Georgian government
proposed to Russia that the countries start relations from a 'clean
slate' and forget old grudges. But unfortunately, Russia was not so
quick to 'forgive and forget.' However, there have been some positive
developments. After years of seemingly futile negotiations, this May
an agreement was finally reached on the withdrawal of Russia's two
remaining military bases in that country.
The most painful issue today in Georgian-Russian relations remains
Moscow's continued support for the separatist regimes in Tskhinvali and
Sokhumi and their policy of 'creeping annexation' in regard to these
two Georgian regions. President Mikheil Saakashvili drew attention
to the issue in his address before the UN General Assembly and the
Georgian Parliament adopted a resolution establishing deadlines
for the peacekeepers in the conflict regions to either change their
pro-separatist attitude or lose their mandate.
The main target of Georgia's foreign policy is the resolution of the
conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. According to Zourabichvili,
by the end of 2005 the government will have a concrete plan of steps
to be taken for the peaceful resolution of the conflicts and in 2006
significant progress is to be anticipated in this regard.
Despite its troubled relationship with Moscow, the government
is in no hurry to leave the Commonwealth of Independent States
(CIS), although certain steps have been taken to prepare for this
possibility. Recently, Georgian embassies abroad were charged with
presenting their views 'on Georgia's economic interests in the CIS'
to the foreign minister.
Georgia's relations with its other neighbors, meanwhile, are going
relatively well. Strong strategic partnerships have been forged with
the Ukraine, Turkey and Azerbaijan and, despite having very different
foreign policy priorities, relations with Armenia are also developing.
It is clear that the current administration makes its foreign policy a
matter of priority. While the successful steps toward Western alliances
like NATO and EU membership are praiseworthy, Tbilisi must concentrate
on finding peaceful solutions to its on going power struggle with
Moscow-and the separatist leaders hiding behind the Kremlin's support.