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  • Cheney Revives Parvus 'Permanent War' Madness

    This article appears in the Sept. 23, 2005 issue of Executive Intelligence
    Review.

    Cheney Revives Parvus 'Permanent War' Madness
    by Jeffrey Steinberg, Allen Douglas, and Rachel Douglas

    It was never a secret that the ranks of today's Washington
    neo-conservative war-party are filled with former first and second
    generation Trotskyists' personified by Irving Kristol, the former
    Shachtmanite Trotskyist, self-described "Godfather" of the entire
    neo-con apparatus, and the father of Weekly Standard editor William
    Kristol. What was ignored was that fact that both they and Vice
    President Dick Cheney's are still fanatically committed to former
    Bolshevik minister of war Leon Trotsky's doctrine of "permanent
    revolution," and to the kind of permanent war which Cheney has created
    in Iraq, and is preparing to launch, very soon, as nuclear-armed
    warfare against Iran, and similarly permanent warfare against Syria,
    in South American, and elsewhere as soon, and as often as possible. It
    is this doctrine, which most historians associate with the name of
    Josef Stalin rival Leon Trotsky and his followers, which is presently
    the most immediate threat of mass-murderous violence to the world as a
    whole.

    It is also the leading active threat to the continued existence of the
    U.S.A. as a constitutional republic, here, at home.

    That is the root of the wide-spread failure of most leading circles in
    the U.S. and Europe to grasp the true nature of the menace which has
    been unleashed as a result of Vice President Cheney's adoption of a
    doctrine which the Russian-born British intelligence asset Alexander
    Helphand, also known as "Parvus" dictated to Leon Trotsky's effort to
    overthrow Russia's Tsar in revolution of 1905. What Helphand dictated
    to his dupe Trotsky, in writing, personally, there at that time, is a
    doctrine of "permanent revolution/permanent war" which Trotsky himself
    continued defended up to the moment of his assassination by a Soviet
    assassin, in Mexico in 1940. That is the policy actually being
    conducted by Cheney's alleged former Trotskyist, neo-conservative
    advisors today. That is the the policy which has unleashed the
    monstrous and worsening catastrophe which Cheney's continued policies,
    and Cheney's lies to the U.S. Congress, have created, which is moving
    now to the brink of a new disaster, in the entire region of Southwest
    Asia today.The facts which more than prove all this are not only
    clear. The greatest threat to the U.S. today, is the failure of most
    leading circles here, and in Europe, to understand the vast mass of
    often overlooked evidence which must be understood if we are to
    prevent the now financial-crisis-wracked U.S. and the world from being
    lured, very soon into an early catastrophe beyond the calculations of
    most leading circles among governments still today.

    Those critics who do not understand what is really behind Cheney's
    murderous rages and lies, think that the "neo-cons" have ' failed in
    Iraq, are people simply do not yet understand the real goals of
    Cheney's ongoing policy.

    True, the George W. Bush administration has succeeded to an alarming
    degree, leaving Iraq in a state of Sunni versus Shi'ite, Kurd versus
    Turkmen, and even Shi'ite versus Shi'ite civil war, that could go on
    for generations, and which threatens to soon spread to all of the
    neighboring states.

    No competent strategists are surprised by this result of Bush
    administration war-policy. What we are seeing today, is the
    foreseeable fiasco of Bush war policy which prompted many leading
    American military commanders and diplomats, like Gen. Anthony Zinni
    and Ambassador Chas Freeman, to vocally oppose the Cheney/neo-con Iraq
    adventure, long before the first American troops crossed into Iraqi
    territory.

    The neo-Trotskyite neo-cons and their hooligans, typified by Dick
    Cheney, were not out simply to establish a stable American imperial
    occupation, seize control over the oil fields, and blackmail rival
    states like China with the cutoff of petroleum, as many Bush-Cheney
    critics presume. Cheney's gang never intended to end, with some form
    of Pax Americana peace. It was intended to be the first of a
    succession of permanent wars, engulfing the entire Persian Gulf and
    extended Southwest and Central Asian regions in decades of chaos,
    fostering a domino of "failed states," and causing global economic and
    political mayhem, all to the benefit of a private financier oligarchy,
    largely centered in the City of London and its offshoots based in the
    U.S. region of the Gulf of Mexico.

    The already ongoing civil war in Iraq, fueled every step along the way
    by Bush Administration policy actions, reflected the intentions of the
    most hard-core of the neo-con ideologues, a cabal centered out of the
    Office of the Vice President, and together with such neo-Trotskyite
    "think-tanks" as the American Enterprise Institute and the Hudson
    Institute.

    Just because President George W. Bush was foolish enough to believe
    the kindergarten propaganda of the neo-cons about a "cakewalk"
    victory, a flourishing of Iraqi democracy, and the immediate free flow
    of Iraqi oil, does not make it true. The President, with his bizarre
    Promise Keeper fundamentalist religious dogmas, is, after all, the
    perfect Straussian politician, the fool duped by the scheming
    "philosophers" who ply him with lies, which he takes as the gospel
    truth, and spreads to an equally duped, mindless following.

    The intent to foster permanent revolution and permanent war according
    to Helphand's doctrine of throughout Southwest Asia was clearly
    spelled out, years before the Iraq war, by a group of American neo-con
    "chickenhawks" in the July 1996 "A Clean Break" paper, delivered to
    then-Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Authors Richard Perle,
    Douglas Feith, David Wurmser, Meyrav Wurmser, Charles Fairbanks
    (surrogate and former college roommate of Paul Wolfowitz), et
    al. spelled out an unambiguous scheme to spread war from Iraq to
    Syria, Lebanon, and Iran, on to Saudi Arabia, and, ultimately, to
    Egypt.

    According to one well-informed U.S. intelligence source, the essence
    of the neo-cons' "Clean Break" plan was to bust up the "Sunni
    Stability Belt," centered around Saudi Arabia and Egypt, which had
    provided a degree of stability to the region throughout the Cold War
    era, and had assured the free flow of Persian Gulf oil to the world.

    The sequence of pre-meditated steps, taken by the Bush-Cheney
    Administration neo-cons, in bringing occupied Iraq to the brink of
    chaos and destruction, cannot be credibly written off to bad judgment,
    greed, or naive utopianism. This starts with "Clean Break" co-author
    Doug Feith's rejection of all State Department expert plans for the
    post-conflict occupation and reconstruction of Iraq; continues through
    the Wolfowitz-ordered dismantling of the entire Iraqi Army and
    Ba'athist infrastructure; and carries through the fostering of Shi'ite
    versus Sunni conflict'what Dr. Phebe Marr described at a recent
    Washington event as the "Lebanonization" of Iraq.


    On to Damascus and Tehran

    Indeed, as this issue of EIR goes to press, Vice President Cheney and
    his cohorts have escalated the next phase of their war plans against
    both Syria and Iran.

    On Sept. 14, the Washington Post reported that Bush Administration
    chief arms control official, Dr. Robert Joseph, has been making Power
    Point presentations to diplomats from more than a dozen countries,
    claiming to prove that Iran has been secretly pursuing a nuclear
    weapons program, and must be confronted. The presentation, "A History
    of Concealment and Deception," is reminiscent of the same kinds of
    briefings, conjured up by the Pentagon's Office of Special Plans, to
    make the case for the preemptive war against Iraq, prior to the March
    2003 U.S. and British invasion. Dr. Joseph, the Richard Perle
    protégé who replaced the neo-conservative acting United Nations
    Ambassador John Bolton, as the State Department's chief arms control
    negotiator, was formerly with the Condoleezza Rice National Security
    Council, where he authored the infamous "sixteen words" in President
    George W. Bush's January 2003 State of the Union Address, falsely
    accusing Saddam Hussein of seeking uranium from Africa to build
    nuclear bombs. That "Saddam has nukes" disinformation campaign was
    pivotal to bullying the U.S. Congress into acquiescing to the Iraq
    preemptive war.

    Through a series of leaks, including a Sept. 11 Washington Post
    front-page story by Walter Pincus, it has been confirmed that Vice
    President Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld are
    promoting the integration of "mini-nukes" into the conventional
    arsenal of the U.S. military. As EIR widely exposed in July, Cheney is
    openly promoting a preventive nuclear strike against scores of targets
    inside Iran, all ostensibly secret nuclear weapons facilities and
    related sites. Such a U.S. or U.S.-Israeli air strike against Iran
    would trigger an out-of-control asymmetric war, soon engulfing the
    entire planet, and making the United States the number one enemy of
    more than 1.6 billion Muslims for generations to come. Such
    precedent-setting U.S.A. mini-nuke strikes against Iran would usher in
    a planetary "New Dark Age," highlighted by $150-200 barrels of oil.

    On Sept. 14, U.S. Ambassador to Iraq Zalmay Khalilzad raced back to
    Washington to deliver a press conference, denouncing Syria for its
    continued involvement in the Iraq insurgency, vowing, on behalf of the
    Bush Administration, that "no option," including military strikes, was
    off the table, if Syria continued to back the Iraq insurgents.

    To be sure, there are legitimate complaints to be raised with the
    regimes in both Tehran and Damascus. But the present renewed war
    drive by Cheney et al. against Iran and Syria is not intended as a
    "diplomatic stick" aimed at facilitating a diplomatic solution. To
    comprehend what it is that makes Dick Cheney's handlers'like the
    second generation Anglo-Soviet "Trust" agent George Shultz'tick, it is
    necessary to dissect the actual history of the doctrine of permanent
    war/permanent revolution, and then, revisit the events of the past
    five years of the Bush-Cheney regime from that fresh standpoint.


    Permanent Imperialism

    In a Sept. 14, 2005 memorandum to colleagues, Lyndon LaRouche wrote:
    "The use of the interchangeable terms, 'Permanent Revolution' and
    'Permanent War' is merely a substitution of labels for the
    long-standing term 'imperialism'.... 'Permanent Revolution' is an
    Anglo-Dutch Liberal's neo-Venetian Party term, describing the
    character and aims of British imperialism as rooted in the reign of a
    financier-oligarchical system through destroying all prospective
    sources of patriotic challenge to empire by policies of 'permanent
    regime-change' ('permanent revolution') and 'permanent warfare.' "
    LaRouche continued, "The shift, by the Anglo-Dutch Liberals and their
    financier-oligarchical rivals and partners, away from emphasis on
    crown colonies to more or less global financier-oligarchical tyranny,
    is aptly reflected by a shift of emphasis to the essential predicates
    of imperialism (e.g., 'permanent regime-change' and 'permanent
    warfare') from the emphasis on the optional predicate of colonial
    territory. In both variants, emphasis upon colony, and emphasis on
    globalized financier-oligarchical power, the sovereign nation-state is
    the adversary which the imperialist must continually move to subvert
    and destroy."


    The American System Goes Global

    The doctrine of "Permanent Revolution/Permanent War," widely
    associated with the Bolshevik revolutionary Leon Trotsky, emerged in a
    very specific historical context'the late 19th- and early 20th-Century
    period, in which the ideas of the American System of political economy
    were gaining wide support among leading governments and political
    circles throughout Eurasia. This posed an existential threat to the
    British Monarchy/British East India Company-centered Anglo-Dutch
    empire, and to the head of that cabal, the "Prince of the Isles"
    Edward Albert, later Britain's King Edward VII.

    In the immediate aftermath of the defeat of the British-backed
    Southern secessionist insurrection known as the American Civil War
    (1861-65), the United States, despite the British-sponsored
    assassination of President Abraham Lincoln, emerged as the world's
    leading industrial power. What was known as the American System of
    political economy, associated with U.S. Treasury Secretary Alexander
    Hamilton, and such later Hamiltonians as Henry Carey, John Quincy
    Adams, Henry Clay, E. Peshine Smith, the German Careyite Friedrich
    List, et al., established a system of protective tariffs, national
    banking, infrastructure investment, the promotion of science and
    technology, and other measures. The American System was universally
    known, at the time, to be the deadly, feared enemy of the British
    System of free trade, private central banking, slave labor, and global
    cartels.

    It was the industrial might of the Federal states'based on the
    Hamiltonian American System policy'that provided the margin of victory
    against the Confederate insurrection. Lincoln was also greatly
    assisted by the vital international support of his close ally,
    Russia's Tsar Alexander II, who deployed the entire Russian navy to
    North American to deter Britain and France from entering the war on
    the side of the Confederacy.

    In a fitting celebration of the American System, a Centennial fair was
    convened in Philadelphia in 1876, which aimed to spread the American
    System around the world. In this period, these ideas took root in the
    new unified German state, under Bismarck, which adopted the ideas of
    Friedrich List, and which established joint industrial ventures
    between leading American figures like Thomas Alva Edison and German
    industrialists Walther Rathenau and Werner von Siemens. In Russia,
    American and Russian engineers collaborated on the construction of the
    Trans-Siberian Railroad, which was modeled on the U.S.
    Transcontinental Railroad project, which had helped consolidate a
    unified continental republic, following the disasters of the Civil
    War. Under the leadership of Sergei Witte (see accompanying article),
    Russia emerged, at the end of the 19th Century, as the fastest-growing
    industrial nation in Eurasia. In Japan, under the Meiji Restoration,
    the American System was adopted, with Carey protégé
    E. Peshine Smith serving as a leading economic advisor to the Japanese
    Emperor. Similar American System ideas were adopted in the France of
    Gabriel Hanotaux , which launched ambitious plans to build railroads
    across Africa. In China, Sun Yat-sen was trained by American
    missionaries in the ideas of Hamilton and Carey, and a Chinese
    republican movement advanced detailed plans for the integration and
    modernization of China. Other examples of the spread of the American
    System abounded in South America and as far away as Australia.


    The British Empire Strikes Back

    In London, Prince Edward Albert, the son of Queen Victoria, who would
    later become King Edward VII, viewed this spread of the American
    System with great alarm. The British response, over the course of the
    next 40 years, would be to spread perpetual warfare across Eurasia,
    through an array of manipulations, playing one nationality off against
    another, assassinating key republican political leaders, fostering the
    growth of deeply flawed pseudo-political movements and ideologies,
    conducting each-against-all diplomatic maneuverings, and fomenting
    "regime changes," ultimately leading to two successive World Wars. In
    every instance, British agents, often operating under the cover of
    official diplomatic postings, forged alliances with the most backward
    feudalist and fundamentalist factions within the targeted
    nations'often through Freemasonic lodges and other secret societies,
    created phony "liberation" movements, and recruited and deployed key
    agents.

    Thus, instead of a Eurasia, united behind American System republican
    ideas and concrete great development projects, the British manipulated
    the Franco-Prussian, Balkan, Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese
    wars. The Balkan Wars of 1912-13 led, lawfully, into World War I. The
    "Young Turk" revolution in Turkey, secured for Britain, and an allied
    France, the breakup of the Ottoman Empire, and its replacement by an
    Anglo-French series of protectorates throughout the Near East. In the
    course of these efforts, British Intelligence fostered the Muslim
    Brotherhood as a permanent insurrectionist force within the entire
    Islamic world. The British Freemasonic agent who inspired the
    launching of the Muslim Brotherhood, Jamal ad-Deen al-Afghani, was
    himself a collaborator of the French Synarchists, yet another global
    conspiratorial apparatus that would spawn 20th-Century fascism, and
    would later be the model on which the current disastrous Maastricht
    Treaty and the European Monetary Union would be based.

    In all of these efforts the British apparatus of Prince Edward Albert
    modeled their actions on those of the Venetian republic, which emerged
    as the center of the new European rentier financial oligarchic power,
    in the wake of the collapse of the Byzantine Empire. As the center of
    European power shifted from the Mediterranean northward, Venice
    morphed into the Dutch and later Anglo-Dutch liberal system of global
    financier dominance, over the course of the 15th-18th Centuries. By
    the time that Prince Edward Albert emerged as the heir to the legacy
    of Lords Shelburne and Palmerston, London had become the global center
    of what came to be known as the "Venetian Party."


    The Russian Revolution

    The destruction of Russia was of particularly great importance to
    London's oligarchs. From the time of Catherine the Great, whose League
    of Armed Neutrality played a pivotal role in securing the victory of
    Benjamin Franklin and George Washington's American Revolution, the
    prospect of Russo-American collaboration posed a grave threat to the
    power of the British Empire. In the aftermath of the American Civil
    War, in which Russia, once again, was instrumental in an American
    victory, the spread of American System ideas into Russia was taking on
    alarming proportions. The great Russian scientist Dmitri Mendeleyev
    had attended the 1876 Philadelphia Centennial Exposition, and he was
    collaborating with Russian Minister Witte, in the industrialization of
    Russia, driven by the eastward expansion of the Trans-Siberian
    Railroad. American railroad engineers, who had built the
    Transcontinental Railroad, after serving in the Army Corps of
    Engineers during the Civil War, were now in Russia, working with their
    Russian counterparts, on the Trans-Siberian. Upon the completion of
    the Trans-Siberian Railroad, the first railroad locomotive to traverse
    the Eurasian line would be build by the Baldwin Company of
    Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

    Illustrative of the pro-American outlook of the leading Russian
    modernizers was an 1899 memo from Minister of Finance Witte to Tsar
    Nicholas II, in which he wrote: "The welfare of Your Empire is based
    on national labor. The increase of its productivity and the discovery
    of new fields for Russian enterprise will always serve as the most
    reliable way for making the entire nation more prosperous. We have to
    develop mass-production industries, widely dispersed and
    variegated. We must give the country such industrial perfection as has
    been reached by the United States of America, which firmly basis its
    prosperity on two pillars'agriculture and industry." The eastward
    development of Siberia, centered on the Trans-Siberian Rail project,
    was key to Witte's concept of Russian modernization. Among other
    things, Witte wanted to open Siberia to colonization by Russia's Jews,
    who remained in terrible ghetto conditions in the Pale of Settlements,
    and were subject to frequent pogroms.

    The British, unfortunately, had their allies and agents inside Russia
    as well. Indeed, in 1881, Tsar Alexander II, the great ally of Lincoln
    and the liberator of the serfs, was assassinated by the terrorist
    Narodnaya Volya (People's Will) group. Their plot against the Tsar was
    not only not blocked, but was even facilitated by the leaders of the
    Tsar's own security service, men who profoundly opposed the
    modernization of Russia, which threatened to break the power of the
    landed feudal oligarchy. Several of them were direct collaborators of
    the British Balkan Wars project in the 1870s, as well. In the
    aftermath of the assassination of Alexander II, this same grouping
    created a secret society called the Holy Brotherhood, ostensibly to do
    a better job of protecting the monarch. The Holy Brotherhood would
    spawn the Okhrana secret police agency, which would be pivotal in
    fomenting the events leading to the Russian Revolution.


    Zubatov and 'Police Socialism'

    One of the key figures who would be unleashed against Witte and the
    modernizers was an Anglophile police agent, Sergei Zubatov. In 1896,
    despite the fact that he had been earlier jailed for terrorist
    activities, Zubatov was appointed chief of the Russian secret police,
    the Okhrana, in Moscow. The Okhrana had been founded by Count
    N.P. Ignatiev, a military commander of the Russian forces during the
    first Balkan Wars of 1875-78, which had been orchestrated from
    London. Ignatiev's close collaborator, V.P. Meshchersky, was Zubatov's
    immediate patron, securing him the Moscow post. Meshchersky was also a
    literary patron of Fyodor Dostoevsky, who propagandized for the Balkan
    wars, and of the German philosopher of nihilism, Friedrich
    Nietzsche. Zubatov absorbed these philosophical views into his police
    work.

    Prior to taking the Moscow post, Zubatov had spent a dozen years
    conducting police infiltration of the various leftist and socialist
    groups that had proliferated inside Russia. He was an avid reader of
    British Fabian Society literature, and frequently used the writings of
    Sidney Webb as recruiting tools for his own "revolutionary cells."

    Zubatov spelled out his plans in an 1898 memo to another Moscow police
    official: "While a revolutionary advocates pure socialism, he can be
    dealt with by means of repressive measures alone, but when he begins
    to exploit for his purpose minor shortcomings of the existing lawful
    structure, the repressive measures alone cease to be sufficient. It
    becomes necessary to take the very ground from underneath his feet."

    While unions were banned in Russia, Zubatov launched his own
    "mutual-aid societies" which were among the only legal "mass
    movements" in Russia. These Zubatov unions were filled with targets of
    Zubatov's police repression and brainwashing techniques. Socialist
    leaders were arrested, and then subjected to indoctrination, often by
    Zubatov himself. Workers were taught to distrust the social democrats,
    and to focus on purely "economic" self-interests. By 1902, Zubatov had
    organized scores of "police unions," and had successfully orchestrated
    attacks against some of the leading Russian manufacturers of the Witte
    faction. Zubatov also organized a number of Zionist unions as well,
    even as his close Okhrana collaborator, the Paris-based Peter
    Rachkovsky, penned the forged "Protocols of the Elders of Zion" to
    instigate a new pogrom against the Russian Jews, who had been among
    the enthusiastic backers of Witte's modernization efforts. Zubatov had
    also inaugurated his own secret assassination squads, called the
    Battle Organizations, which were used to eliminate government
    ministers and other enemies of the Holy Brotherhood/Okhrana apparatus.

    In August 1902, Zubatov was transferred from Moscow to St. Petersburg,
    where he became chief of the Special Section of the police, under
    police chief Aleksei Lopukhin. A massive expansion of the
    agent-provocateur recruitment was launched by the duo; within a year,
    there were over 16,000 paid provocateurs on the police payroll,
    according to published accounts, based on a review of the police
    files, following 1917.

    Among Zubatov's leading agent-provocateurs was Father Georgi Gapon, a
    Russian Orthodox rabble-rouser, who organized a number of the Zubatov
    police unions. It was Father Gapon who led the march on the Tsar's
    Winter Palace on Jan. 9, 1905, "Bloody Sunday," which launched the
    first insurrection against the Russian state.


    Jabotinsky and Parvus

    Another of the Okhrana agent-provocateurs employed by Zubatov in the
    insurrections against the Russia of Witte and the American System was
    Vladimir Jabotinsky, later known as the founder of the Revisionist
    Movement in Zionism and an enthusiastic supporter of Mussolini's
    Fascism. In the Spring of 1902, Jabotinsky was arrested and spent
    seven weeks in Okhrana custody, going through the Zubatov
    indoctrination. He would, according to one biographer, operate "for
    several years under the supervision of the police," particularly in
    Odessa, which was the scene of many of Zubatov's most successful labor
    insurrections against Russia's nascent industrialization. Jabotinsky's
    activities were also funded directly by Maxim Gorky, a well-documented
    Okhrana operative and conduit of Zubatov payouts.

    Jabotinsky's career would cross that of another of the most important
    operatives of the Bolshevik revolutionary epoch, Alexander Israel
    Helphand (a.k.a. "Parvus"). Both Jabotinsky and Parvus edited
    publications of the British/Venetian-spawned Young Turks movement,
    which helped instigate London's Balkan Wars and the overthrow of the
    Ottoman Empire.

    Like Jabotinsky, Parvus (1867-1924) came from an Odessa family steeped
    in the grain trade. By 1886, Helphand/Parvus had already become
    involved in the Okhrana-spawned Russian socialist scene, traveling to
    Switzerland to participate in the Emancipation of Labor group, led by
    a number of documented Okhrana agents, including Lev Deutsch, and
    suspected Okhrana man Georgi Plekhanov. Parvus would be instrumental,
    during the 1890s, in shifting the focus of Russian revolutionary
    socialism from agrarian peasants to industrial workers'in keeping with
    Zubatov's efforts to target the Russian modernizers through "class
    warfare" provocations. By 1900, Parvus had joined the inner circle of
    the Bolsheviks, using his Munich, Germany apartment to house the
    printing press for the group, and hosting V.I. Lenin and other
    leaders. According to several biographical accounts, by 1902, Parvus
    was receiving direct Okhrana funding through Gorky, who gave Parvus
    the rights to publish his works abroad.

    Once "Bloody Sunday" unleashed the revolutionary destabilizations in
    St. Petersburg, Parvus appeared on the scene, as a leading
    collaborator of Leon Trotsky and other leaders of the Petersburg
    Soviet. Parvus and Trotsky bought a liberal newspaper, Russkaya Gazeta
    to rival the Bolshevik publication, and soon had a circulation of
    500,000. Parvus and Trotsky turned the newspaper into a radical
    provocateur organ, much to the delight of the Okhrana, which would
    soon launch a police crackdown on the entire social democratic scene.

    When the entire leadership of the Petrograd Soviet'including
    Trotsky'was rounded up and jailed in December 1905, Parvus escaped the
    police clutches. When he was later captured, he escaped police
    custody, courtesy of the Okhrana agent Lev Deutsch. Parvus next turned
    up, via Germany, in Constantinople, as a "journalist" covering the
    Young Turk rebellion against the Ottomans, a crucial prelude to the
    British-manipulated second Balkan War. It would be at this moment that
    Parvus' ties to the leading European "Venetian Party" factions would
    be publicly shown.


    The Young Turks

    In 1908, the Committee for Union and Progress, otherwise known as the
    Young Turks, carried out a military coup, overthrowing the Sultan and
    seizing power over the Ottoman Empire. Launching ethnic cleansing
    campaigns against all non-Turkic peoples, including Armenians, Greeks
    and Bulgarians, the Young Turk regime played a pivotal role in
    provoking the 1912-13 Balkan Wars, through their brutality towards the
    minorities. By their own accounts, the Young Turks based their
    revolution on a version of Pan-Turkism that had been devised by an
    advisor to the Sultan in the 1860s who was, in fact, an agent of
    Britain's Lord Palmerston. The Young Turks also preached a rabid
    anti-Russian ideology, which was inspired by Wilfred Blunt, a top
    British Intelligence official, whose own ideas about playing an
    "Islamic card" to destroy Russia predated those of Britain's Bernard
    Lewis by a full century.

    The actual founder of the Young Turk movement was an Italian Freemason
    and grain trader named Emmanuel Carasso. Jewish by birth, Carasso had
    been a founder of the Italian Masonic lodge in Salonika, called the
    Macedonia Risorta Lodge. Virtually all of the members of the Young
    Turk leadership were lodge members. The forerunner of the Macedonia
    Risorta Lodge was founded by a follower of another Palmerston agent
    and revolutionary provocateur, Giuseppi Mazzini.

    Carasso was a leading financier of the entire Young Turk insurrection,
    and during the Balkan Wars, he was not only the head of Balkan
    intelligence operations for the Young Turks. He was in charge of all
    food supplies for the Ottoman Empire during World War I, a lucrative
    business which he shared with Parvus.

    Carasso also financed a number of newspapers and other propaganda
    outlets for the Young Turks, among them the newspaper The Young Turk,
    which was edited by none other than Vladimir Jabotinsky. Another of
    Carasso's "business" associates was Parvus, who became economics
    editor of another Young Turk journal, The Turkish Homeland. Parvus
    also became a partner of Carasso in the grain trade, and in the arms
    business, and became independently wealthy.

    The Young Turk operation was headed, from London, by Aubrey Herbert, a
    grandson of one of Mazzini's controllers, who himself died while
    leading revolutionary mobs in Italy in 1848. Aubrey Herbert headed all
    British Intelligence operations in the Middle East during the period
    of World War I, and no less a figure than Lawrence of Arabia
    identified Herbert as the actual head of the Young Turk
    insurrection. Herbert's career is the subject of the historical novel,
    Greenmantle, by World War I British intelligence official John Buchan.

    Emmanuel Carasso's pivotal role in the Young Turk movement and the
    resulting Balkan Wars of 1912-13, is of significance from one
    additional standpoint. Carasso was a protégé and business
    partner of Volpi di Misurata, the leading Venetian banker of the early
    20th Century, who not only sponsored the Young Turk insurrection, but
    also promoted the Black Shirt takeover of Rome and went on to run the
    Mussolini Fascist regime from his various posts as Minister of Finance
    (1925-28), member of the Grand Council of Fascism, president of the
    Fascist Confederation of Industrialists, and, most important, as the
    chief public representative of a group of aristocrats around Count
    Piero Foscari, of the ancient Venetian dogal family.

    The Venetian banker Volpi was closely allied with City of London
    financiers throughout. And the Young Turks, once they took power, made
    no secret of their London ties. In 1909 the Ottoman Navy was put under
    the command of a British admiral; the British Royal Family's own
    banker, Ernst Cassel, established and managed the National Bank of
    Turkey; and British officials advised the Ministry of Finance, the
    Interior Ministry and the Ministry of Justice. The Young Turks also
    denounced and blocked further construction of the Berlin-Baghdad
    Railroad.


    The Parvus Saga Resumed

    Parvus's Young Turk interlude had earned him a large fortune. He had
    partnered with Young Turk financier and Macedonia Risorta Lodge
    founder Emmanuel Carasso, and had been given the contract to supply
    grain to the Turks during the Balkan Wars of 1912-13. According to
    some accounts, Parvus also got into the tightly controlled arms
    business, probably under the patronage of Sir Basil Zaharoff of the
    Vickers Arms cartel, a prominent Anglo-Venetian enterprise.

    Once the Balkan Wars had started, leading directly into World War I,
    Parvus turned his attention back to Russia, laying plans to finance a
    revolution, to be led by Lenin and the Bolsheviks. Parvus set his
    scheme for revolution down in a March 9, 1915 memorandum to the German
    Foreign Ministry, vowing that the Bolsheviks would take power in
    Russia in 1916, and seeking financial support.

    The German government was deeply split over the issue of backing a
    Russian Bolshevik revolution. Close advisors to the German Kaiser
    argued that Germany should push a separate peace with the Tsar, while
    a faction, centered in the General Staff and around Foreign Minister
    Zimmerman pushed for a "war-to-the-death" with Russia, arguing that
    war with Russia was inevitable, and it made sense to get on with it
    before Russia became more powerful. One of the key backers of the
    Parvus Plan at the German General Staff was Count Bogdan von
    Hutten-Czapski, the head of the Political Section and a longtime
    business associate of none other than Young Turks financier, the
    Venetian Party Synarchist operative Giuseppi Volpi, the future
    controller of Mussolini.

    According to his own memoirs, von Hutten-Czapski had seen the outbreak
    of the Russo-Japanese War as an opportunity "to smash the Tsarist
    Empire," a view shared by Parvus.

    In addition to the German Foreign Ministry and the German General
    Staff, Parvus was also given access to an exhaustive amount of funds
    for his Russian "regime change" scheme from a leading German
    Synarchist industrialist and close associate of Hjalmar Schacht (later
    Hitler's Economics Minister), Hugo Stinnes of the German coal
    syndicate. Stinnes granted Parvus control over the shipping and sale
    of German coal to Denmark, from which Parvus made millions of gold
    marks per month. Stinnes would become a major player in the 1920s
    revival of the German military industry, and would continue his
    business arrangements with Parvus through to the latter's
    death. Stinnes, too, was tied to Volpi and the Banca Commerciale
    Italiana.

    Crown Prince Wilhelm, an opponent of the "war now" faction, struck a
    vital chord when he wrote to the Russian court in early 1915 that it
    was "absolutely necessary to conclude a peace with Russia.... It is
    too silly that we should hack each other to pieces so that England
    could fish in dark waters."

    Within weeks of receipt of the Parvus memo, the German Foreign
    Ministry made the first payment of one million gold marks to Parvus to
    launch his scheme. In May 1915, Parvus met with Lenin and Karl Radek
    in Switzerland, and then created a string of front groups in Stockholm
    and Copenhagen. By February 1916, a series of strikes had begun at
    major shipbuilding plants, then working at breakneck speed to produce
    new warships for the Russian Navy. The strikes disrupted Russia's war
    mobilization, but did not lead, immediately, to revolutionary regime
    change. Parvus spent the next year building his fortune, and, through
    his financial largess, his ties to the Bolshevik leadership. Parvus's
    biographers, Z. Zeman and W.B. Sharlau (Merchant of Revolution;
    London: W.&J. Mackay & Co., Ltd, 1965) summarized Parvus's outlook on
    the eve of the 1917 Russian Revolution: "Helphand showed that he
    believed that any political aim could be realized with sufficient
    money, that the elite of the socialist leaders could resist the lure
    of mammon no more than any other social group, that friendship, as
    much as political support, had to be bought. Such a view informed his
    political strategy; it was the essence of his political and human
    experience."

    By April 1917, Parvus had pushed the German government to grant secret
    safe-passage to the Bolshevik leaders back into Russia, and
    arrangements were soon made, through Parvus and Radek, to smuggle
    Lenin and 40 other leading Bolsheviks from Switzerland, through
    Stockholm, back to Petrograd. Parvus remained in Stockholm, in
    constant communication with the International Mission of the Petrograd
    Bolshevik Central Committee Abroad. He remained virtually the
    exclusive source of funding for the revolution that was about to
    rapidly unfold: On July 16-17, the Bolsheviks carried out an armed
    insurrection in Petrograd, which was promptly put down by the
    Provisional Government. The Russian intelligence services released a
    report, proving that the Bolshevik uprising had been funded by the
    German government, an act of wartime treason. Lenin and friends fled
    Russia. However, a month later, in August 1917, the British backed a
    separate military coup attempt against the Kerensky Provisional
    Government, and in response, Social Democrat Kerensky brought back the
    Bolsheviks and armed them against General Kornilov, the chief coup
    plotter. On Oct. 25, 1917, Lenin seized power.


    Nazi-Communism and Synarchy

    Within less than two months after the Bolshevik coup had installed
    Lenin in power in Petrograd, Parvus was setting up a new
    anti-Bolshevik infrastructure of news organs and operatives inside
    Soviet Russia. The ostensible cause of Parvus's 180-degree turn was
    Lenin's refusal to allow him to return to Russia, but this account is
    dubious. Parvus moved to Switzerland and, while he continued to
    provide funds to factions of the Bolsheviks, he became a public enemy
    of the new Russian Soviet regime, and would devote much of the
    remainder of his life to a concerted effort to organize Europe to
    crush Russia.

    Parvus's status in Switzerland was secured by his longtime colleague,
    Adolph Muller, the German Ambassador in Berne, and a Munich
    publisher. According to authors James and Suzanne Pool (Who Financed
    Hitler: The Secret Funding of Hitler's Rise to Power; New York: Dial
    Press, 1978), "The one businessman on whom the Nazi Party was most
    dependent was not a great industrialist who contributed money to the
    movement, but the Munich printer, Adolph Muller.... He had done
    business with the Nazis since before the putsch. When Hitler wanted to
    start publishing the Volkischer Beobachter again after his release
    from prison in 1924, Muller advanced the editor's wages and supplied
    the paper on credit." The money that Hitler used to purchase the
    newspaper came from a White Russian and former Okhrana associate,
    Vasili Biskupsky.

    Parvus's "Nazi-Communist" pedigree was pure Synarchist, as was
    befitting an agent of Anglo-Venetian financier interests. At the close
    of World War I, Parvus wrote the following profile of the European
    situation: "There exist two possibilities only: either the unification
    of western Europe, or Russia's domination. The whole game with the
    buffer states will end in their annexation by Russia, unless they are
    united with central Europe in an economic community, which would
    provide a counter-balance to Russia." Under any circumstances, Parvus
    argued that the era of the nation-state system had ended in Europe.

    To pursue this goal of further "regime change" all across the European
    continent, replacing the sovereign governments of the continent with a
    new European super-state, to wage war against Bolshevik Russia, Parvus
    joined with another Anglo-Venetian schemer, Count Richard
    Coudenhove-Kalergi, to push the Pan-European Union.

    In this final intrigue, Parvus once again got the financial backing of
    the German coal magnate Hugo Stinnes, who would make a killing,
    courtesy of his friend Schacht, on the collapse of the German mark,
    during the hyperinflation of 1923, and move back into Germany to buy
    up scores of bankrupt industries and coal mines at a fraction of their
    worth. Cudenhove-Kalergi, for his part, was bankrolled by Max Warburg
    of the original Venetian Del Banco clan. Warburg had earlier
    bankrolled Parvus and Leon Trotsky, in the run-up to the Bolshevik
    Revolution.

    Coudenhove-Kalergi argued that Pan-Europa would emerge out of the
    fight against Bolshevism, just as "Young Europe arose out of the
    struggle against the Holy Alliance, as the Holy Alliance had issued
    out of the struggle against Napoleon." At the first congress of the
    Pan European Union, in Vienna, four portraits adorned the wall behind
    the speakers' podium: Immanuel Kant, Napoleon Bonaparte, Giuseppi
    Mazzini, and Friedrich Nietzsche.

    In a 1932 Pan-Europa propaganda tract, Coudenhove-Kalergi out-Parvus'd
    Parvus, in restating the permanent war/permanent revolution thesis:
    "This eternal war," he wrote, "can end only with the constitution of a
    world republic.... The only way left to save the peace seems to be a
    politic of peaceful strength, on the model of the Roman Empire, that
    succeeded in having the longest period of peace in the west thanks to
    the supremacy of his legions."

    Eight years after Parvus's death, leading Pan-Europa proponent Hjalmar
    Schacht, now the German representative at the Bank for International
    Settlements and soon to be Hitler's Finance Minister, announced to a
    major gathering of Coudenhove-Kalergi's group in Berlin, "In three
    months Hitler will be in power.... Hitler will create PanEuropa! Only
    Hitler can create PanEuropa!" Schacht and Parvus, parenthetically,
    had first come into contact during the Young Turk revolt at the
    beginning of the century. In his post-World War II autobiography,
    Confessions of the Old Wizard (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1956),
    Schacht had reminisced about his visit in 1909 to Salonika and
    Constantinople, arranged through his Berlin Freemasonic Lodge, during
    which he was hosted by the Macedonia Lodge and met with the entire
    Young Turk leadership.


    Permanent War/Permanent Revolution Revisited

    While Parvus protégé Leon Trotsky is widely credited with the
    authorship of the concept of "permanent revolution," Trotsky himself
    attributed the idea to Parvus, his closest ally during the period of
    the 1905 St. Petersburg Soviet revolt. Parvus argued, as the neo-cons
    do today, that revolutionary social change is only possible under
    conditions of general warfare. Parvus, the Anglo-Venetian oligarchical
    intriguer, played a pivotal role in King Edward VII's orchestration of
    the Eurasian wars of the early 20th century, which led into World War
    I. Following the war, Parvus helped plant the seeds for the next war,
    promoting the same "universal fascism" embraced today by neo-con
    theoretician Michael Ledeen, and put into practice at the end of
    Parvus's life by his sponsor Volpi's Mussolini.

    Trotsky codified the Parvus outlook, in his two famous works,
    Permanent Revolution and Results and Prospects. In the first of those
    works, Trotsky wrote, "The permanent revolution, in the sense which
    Marx attached to this concept, means a revolution which makes no
    compromise with any single form of class rule, which does not stop at
    the democratic stage, which goes over to socialist measures and to war
    against reaction from without; that is, a revolution whose every
    successive stage is rooted in the preceding one and which can end only
    in complete liquidation."

    But Parvus himself said it best. In an article in his magazine Iskra,
    on the eve of World War I and the Revolution, he boasted, "The
    Russo-Japanese War is the blood-red dawn of coming great events." And
    in The Class Warfare of the Proletariat (Berlin, 1911), Parvus wrote
    in praise of war: "The war sharpens all capitalist contradictions. A
    world war may therefore be concluded only by a world revolution."

    This article was based on an exhaustive study by Allen and Rachel
    Douglas, "The Roots of the Trust: From Volpe to Volpi, and Beyond'The
    Venetian Dragomans of the Russian Empire," an unpublished EIR
    manuscript, June 1987; and on published and unpublished research by
    Scott Thompson, Marjorie Mazel Hecht, and Joseph Brewda.
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