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  • Iran's Diplomacy in Action

    Iran's Diplomacy in Action

    In this insider's assessment of Iran's long-awaited response to the
    incentive package offered by the United States and other world powers,
    Abbas Maleki and Kaveh Afrasiabi argue that this is an opportunity for
    diplomacy that could actually halt Iran's nuclear enrichment and address
    the concerns of the West.

    Agence Global
    23 August 2006

    By Abbas Maleki and Kaveh L. Afrasiabi

    After months of delay in responding to the package of incentives offered
    by the UN Security Council's Permanent Five plus Germany (P5+1), Iran
    has submitted a detailed and comprehensive response that puts the
    diplomatic ball squarely back in the court of the P5+1.

    While rejecting the UN's demand for an immediate halt to its
    uranium-enrichment activities, Iran's response still leaves the door
    open for serious negotiations, and perhaps an acceptable resolution of
    the nuclear showdown for all parties.

    By agreeing to put the issue of suspension of enrichment activities on
    the table and to commence the talks immediately, Iran has sent a strong
    signal that the internal debate between power centers in Iran's
    leadership has ended in favor of voices of moderation seeking a mutually
    satisfactory resolution of the nuclear standoff with the West. It will
    be a pity if Washington overlooks this opportunity for a fair
    negotiation with Iran, especially considering the details of Iran's
    response.

    Iran has, expectedly, sought clarification on a number of issues,
    including the following:

    - The incentive package mentions respecting Iran's rights under the
    nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), yet the only NPT articles
    mentioned are Articles I and II, pertaining to non-proliferation, and
    not Article IV, pertaining to a country's "inalienable right" to acquire
    nuclear technology;

    - Iran wants firm guarantees on the proposed offers of nuclear
    assistance, such as the sale of light water reactors to Iran, as well as
    a secured nuclear fuel supply;

    - Iran seeks clarification on the status of U.S. sanctions which
    presently prohibit those offers of nuclear and technological assistance
    to Iran: Is the United States willing to lift some if not all of those
    sanctions?

    - The package's promise of an Iran-EURATOM cooperation agreement needs
    to be fleshed out;

    - The package's brief reference to security and its hint of Iran's
    participation in a "regional security" arrangement needs further
    clarification; and,

    - The timeline on the promised incentives, including the economic and
    trade incentives, has to be made specific.

    Furthermore, Iran's response indicates that Iran is willing to re-adopt
    the IAEA's Additional Protocol and to take the steps toward legislating
    it as part and parcel of a final agreement.

    Meanwhile, Iran's chief nuclear negotiator, Ali Larijani, has declared
    Iran¹s willingness to use its influence in Lebanon for an
    Israeli-Hezbollah prisoners' exchange, reminding the world of Iran's
    stabilizing role.

    Clearly, given the tight interplay between the nuclear issue and Iran's
    political identity, no one should be surprised that Iran's leaders have
    opted against committing political suicide by giving in to international
    pressure and suspending the nuclear fuel cycle. But, far from rejecting
    this demand, Iran's response makes rather clear its feasibility as a
    result of the proposed talks, which Iran is willing to commence
    immediately, particularly if Iran¹s abstract rights under Article IV of
    NPT are explicitly recognized by the P5+1.

    In light of the rights-sensitive Iranian public, Tehran will seriously
    entertain suspending the fuel cycle if and when it feels vindicated as a
    matter of principle, in a manner which creates conditions conducive to
    the idea of suspensions. A face-saving solution appears in which Iran
    could decide against implementing as an abstract right hitherto thwarted
    by the P5+1.

    And now the UN Security Council, which had given Iran until the end of
    August to halt its nuclear fuel cycle, has a unique role to play either
    as spoiler or catalyst with respect to the opportunity afforded by
    Iran¹s response -- to put the genie of Iran's nuclear crisis back in the
    bottle. Already Kofi Annan is directly involved in intense negotiations
    with Tehran, and, indeed, resolving the nuclear row may turn out to be
    one of the enduring legacies of the departing Secretary General.

    Should the United States and its UN envoy, John Bolton, decide to ignore
    this opportunity and push for UN sanctions against Iran, despite the
    positive dimensions of Iran's offer, the stage will be set for a
    full-scale international crisis.


    Abbas Maleki is the Director of the International Institute For Caspian
    Studies in Tehran and currently a senior research fellow at Harvard
    University's Kennedy School of Government. Kevah Afrasiabi is a
    political scientist and author of Iran's Nuclear Program: Debating Facts
    vs. Fiction.

    For rights and permissions, contact:
    [email protected], 1.336.686.9002 or 1.212.731.0757
    Agence Global
    www.agenceglobal.com
    1.212.731.0757 (main)
    1.336.286.6606 (billing)
    1.336.686.9002 (rights & permissions)

    Agence Global is the exclusive syndication agency for The Nation and The
    American Prospect, as well as expert commentary by William Beeman,
    Richard Bulliet, Mark Hertsgaard, Rami G. Khouri, Tom Porteous, Patrick
    Seale and Immanuel Wallerstein.
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