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EUROPA (press release), Belgium
Aug. 29, 2006
Benita Ferrero-Waldner
European Commissioner for External Relations and European
Neighbourhood Policy
Political reform and sustainable development in the South Caucasus:
the EU's approach
`Caspian Outlook 2008' Bled Strategic Forum
Bled, Slovenia, 28 August 2006
Chairman,
Ministers,
Excellencies,
Ladie s and Gentlemen,
Let me first thank the organisers of the Bled Strategic Forum for
their excellent initiative in bringing us together. It is a great
opportunity to take a fresh look at an area of the world which is of
particular strategic importance for Europe.
I have been asked to talk about political reform and sustainable
development in the South Caucasus. From the European Union's
perspective, now is certainly the right time, since very soon we will
start implementing the European Neighbourhood Policy Action Plans
with Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. I look forward to celebrating
their adoption when I visit the region with the Finnish EU presidency
at the beginning of October.
Generally however, the last weeks and months have shown worrying
trends in the South Caucasus. Three negative strands are coming
together, the combination of which is, frankly, alarming.
First, we have seen little or no progress towards settling any of the
frozen conflicts - Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia. All
parties have failed to deliver on their responsibility to find a
solution.
Second, defence expenditure in the region is going through the roof.
Quite apart from the negative message this sends for resolving the
conflicts, this cannot be good policy-making in a region where human
development indicators are a matter of deep concern. How can
governments justify spiralling defence spending when their countries
are in desperate need of investment in education, health and small
businesses?
Third, increasingly inflammatory rhetoric, as we have seen over the
past months, is shaping public opinion in a counterproductive
direction. There is a serious danger of the rhetoric lowering the
threshold for war. But it is political logic, not military logic
which must prevail. Leaders have a responsibility to prepare their
populations for peace, not war.
These recent developments are worrying for those of us who hoped for
positive movements. All sides should show restraint and adopt a
balanced approach to their neighbours. Harsh rhetoric does not create
an atmosphere conducive to restoring mutual trust and resolving these
conflicts. Any further escalation of tension could re-ignite the
conflicts with devastating consequences for the entire region.
Let me emphasise that point - this remarkable and complex region has
enormous economic promise but, to realise that potential, cool heads
must prevail. Natural resource wealth is finite. Once squandered, the
opportunity to boost the region's development will not come again.
I do not wish to exaggerate the risks, but it is important that we
are clear about the consequences of failing to pull back from the
brink. I call on the region's leaders to realise the weight of their
responsibility, not only to their own people, but to the region as a
whole. True leadership and statesmanship means finding the courage to
settle these disputes once and for all.
The EU will continue to play its part in working for peace. The
European Neighbourhood Policy will be a key tool in this regard.
I will talk about the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in more
depth this afternoon. For now, let me briefly explain that it is the
EU's response to new geopolitical realities following our 2004
expansion. It is our tool for laying the foundations for a much
deeper relationship with the countries of Eastern Europe and the
southern Mediterranean. And it is designed to extend the prosperity,
stability and security enjoyed by the EU to our closest neighbours
and partners.
The most important aspects of the ENP are the following: Firstly, it
brings together our main policy instruments, in a more focused way.
We go beyond classical foreign policy to support reform and
modernisation. Secondly, we thus cover a broader range of issues than
our existing relationships, with greater intensity and throughout all
fields of governance. Thirdly, the ENP will be backed by a new
assistance instrument, the ENPI, with increased and improved
financial and technical assistance.
The ENP operates through Action Plans - such as the ones with the
three countries of this region. These Action Plans, tailor-made for
each country, set out the areas in which we both want to develop
relations further. They contain benchmarks and commitments paving the
way for a deeper relationship.
The ENP Action Plans are designed to promote political reform and
sustainable economic and social development.
As we all know, that's the most effective way of achieving
prosperity, stability and security. They therefore cover a wide range
of activities, to strengthen democracy, promote the rule of law,
uphold human rights, liberalise trade, develop energy and transport
connections and ultimately even give the countries a stake in the
EU's internal market.
But uppermost in my mind in thinking about the South Caucasus today
is the ENP's potential to help support conflict resolution. Why?
Because the most important impediments to the region's development
are the frozen conflicts.
The European Neighbourhood Policy is not in itself a conflict
prevention or settlement mechanism, but through promoting democracy
and regional cooperation, boosting national reform programmes and
improving the socio-economic prospects of the region, it can
contribute to a more positive climate for conflict settlement.
Resolving or at least de-escalating the conflicts must be the first
priority, but their sustainable resolution is largely dependent on
deepening and anchoring democratic and economic reform throughout
society. ENP tackles the underlying issues which enable conflicts to
fester: bad governance, underdevelopment and insecurity. But only if
society as a whole participates in this transformation process will
the region begin to prosper.
We are also engaged more directly in conflict resolution. The
appointment of an EU Special Representative for the South Caucasus,
Peter Semneby, is a sign of the importance the EU attaches to solving
them.
We will continue our support to the Joint Control Commission for
South Ossetia, the main conflict settlement mechanism for this
region, and honour our 2 million pledge at the OSCE's international
donor conference for South Ossetia. We will stay involved in
confidence building and rehabilitation in Abkhazia, supporting
reconstruction of important infrastructure facilities and civil
society projects. And we stand ready to respond to the needs
assessment mission to Nagorno-Karabakh, as soon as that mission is
able to depart.
We also fully support the work of the OSCE, which Minister De Gucht
will address in a moment. And later this year our Member States will
discuss a possible enhanced EU contribution to the peace processes.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Returning for a moment to the ENP, which some of us will discuss in
more detail in one of this afternoon's sessions, let me just recall
that it is a living and evolving policy, designed to respond to
developments and treating all our neighbours equally. Later this
year, the Commission will publish a report on two years of its
implementation, making suggestions for how it might be further
enhanced - both in terms of our partners' efforts and our own
`offers'.
Given the EU's own history and development, the ENP attaches great
importance to regional cooperation. However, rather than expending
effort on developing new or legally binding set-ups - which our
eastern neighbours do not necessarily want or need - such as creating
an institutional structure for our eastern neighbours, we should,
rather, focus on strengthening existing cooperation frameworks such
as Black Sea cooperation. This is of direct interest and use for our
Southern Caucasus partners and others here today.
The EU and its neighbours have a mutual interest in fostering
prosperity, stability and security inter alia through addressing the
root causes of bad governance, lack of economic development,
insecurity and instability that cause the continuing conflicts. As we
have shown in Western Europe over the last 50 years, promoting
prosperity, stability and security is the ultimate
conflict-prevention policy.
Which brings me to plead, once again, for all parties in the Southern
Caucasus to take their conflict-resolution responsibilities
seriously. We must put the long term objective of peace, prosperity
and stability ahead of short term tactical considerations.
In the globalised world of the 21st century, the way to greater
wealth and prosperity is to embrace an open economy and open
political system. That is simply not possible while the region
remains locked in a vicious spiral of tit for tat conflict.
http://europa.eu.int/rapid/pressRelease sAction.do?reference=SPEECH/06/477&format=HTML &aged=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=en
Aug. 29, 2006
Benita Ferrero-Waldner
European Commissioner for External Relations and European
Neighbourhood Policy
Political reform and sustainable development in the South Caucasus:
the EU's approach
`Caspian Outlook 2008' Bled Strategic Forum
Bled, Slovenia, 28 August 2006
Chairman,
Ministers,
Excellencies,
Ladie s and Gentlemen,
Let me first thank the organisers of the Bled Strategic Forum for
their excellent initiative in bringing us together. It is a great
opportunity to take a fresh look at an area of the world which is of
particular strategic importance for Europe.
I have been asked to talk about political reform and sustainable
development in the South Caucasus. From the European Union's
perspective, now is certainly the right time, since very soon we will
start implementing the European Neighbourhood Policy Action Plans
with Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. I look forward to celebrating
their adoption when I visit the region with the Finnish EU presidency
at the beginning of October.
Generally however, the last weeks and months have shown worrying
trends in the South Caucasus. Three negative strands are coming
together, the combination of which is, frankly, alarming.
First, we have seen little or no progress towards settling any of the
frozen conflicts - Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia. All
parties have failed to deliver on their responsibility to find a
solution.
Second, defence expenditure in the region is going through the roof.
Quite apart from the negative message this sends for resolving the
conflicts, this cannot be good policy-making in a region where human
development indicators are a matter of deep concern. How can
governments justify spiralling defence spending when their countries
are in desperate need of investment in education, health and small
businesses?
Third, increasingly inflammatory rhetoric, as we have seen over the
past months, is shaping public opinion in a counterproductive
direction. There is a serious danger of the rhetoric lowering the
threshold for war. But it is political logic, not military logic
which must prevail. Leaders have a responsibility to prepare their
populations for peace, not war.
These recent developments are worrying for those of us who hoped for
positive movements. All sides should show restraint and adopt a
balanced approach to their neighbours. Harsh rhetoric does not create
an atmosphere conducive to restoring mutual trust and resolving these
conflicts. Any further escalation of tension could re-ignite the
conflicts with devastating consequences for the entire region.
Let me emphasise that point - this remarkable and complex region has
enormous economic promise but, to realise that potential, cool heads
must prevail. Natural resource wealth is finite. Once squandered, the
opportunity to boost the region's development will not come again.
I do not wish to exaggerate the risks, but it is important that we
are clear about the consequences of failing to pull back from the
brink. I call on the region's leaders to realise the weight of their
responsibility, not only to their own people, but to the region as a
whole. True leadership and statesmanship means finding the courage to
settle these disputes once and for all.
The EU will continue to play its part in working for peace. The
European Neighbourhood Policy will be a key tool in this regard.
I will talk about the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in more
depth this afternoon. For now, let me briefly explain that it is the
EU's response to new geopolitical realities following our 2004
expansion. It is our tool for laying the foundations for a much
deeper relationship with the countries of Eastern Europe and the
southern Mediterranean. And it is designed to extend the prosperity,
stability and security enjoyed by the EU to our closest neighbours
and partners.
The most important aspects of the ENP are the following: Firstly, it
brings together our main policy instruments, in a more focused way.
We go beyond classical foreign policy to support reform and
modernisation. Secondly, we thus cover a broader range of issues than
our existing relationships, with greater intensity and throughout all
fields of governance. Thirdly, the ENP will be backed by a new
assistance instrument, the ENPI, with increased and improved
financial and technical assistance.
The ENP operates through Action Plans - such as the ones with the
three countries of this region. These Action Plans, tailor-made for
each country, set out the areas in which we both want to develop
relations further. They contain benchmarks and commitments paving the
way for a deeper relationship.
The ENP Action Plans are designed to promote political reform and
sustainable economic and social development.
As we all know, that's the most effective way of achieving
prosperity, stability and security. They therefore cover a wide range
of activities, to strengthen democracy, promote the rule of law,
uphold human rights, liberalise trade, develop energy and transport
connections and ultimately even give the countries a stake in the
EU's internal market.
But uppermost in my mind in thinking about the South Caucasus today
is the ENP's potential to help support conflict resolution. Why?
Because the most important impediments to the region's development
are the frozen conflicts.
The European Neighbourhood Policy is not in itself a conflict
prevention or settlement mechanism, but through promoting democracy
and regional cooperation, boosting national reform programmes and
improving the socio-economic prospects of the region, it can
contribute to a more positive climate for conflict settlement.
Resolving or at least de-escalating the conflicts must be the first
priority, but their sustainable resolution is largely dependent on
deepening and anchoring democratic and economic reform throughout
society. ENP tackles the underlying issues which enable conflicts to
fester: bad governance, underdevelopment and insecurity. But only if
society as a whole participates in this transformation process will
the region begin to prosper.
We are also engaged more directly in conflict resolution. The
appointment of an EU Special Representative for the South Caucasus,
Peter Semneby, is a sign of the importance the EU attaches to solving
them.
We will continue our support to the Joint Control Commission for
South Ossetia, the main conflict settlement mechanism for this
region, and honour our 2 million pledge at the OSCE's international
donor conference for South Ossetia. We will stay involved in
confidence building and rehabilitation in Abkhazia, supporting
reconstruction of important infrastructure facilities and civil
society projects. And we stand ready to respond to the needs
assessment mission to Nagorno-Karabakh, as soon as that mission is
able to depart.
We also fully support the work of the OSCE, which Minister De Gucht
will address in a moment. And later this year our Member States will
discuss a possible enhanced EU contribution to the peace processes.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Returning for a moment to the ENP, which some of us will discuss in
more detail in one of this afternoon's sessions, let me just recall
that it is a living and evolving policy, designed to respond to
developments and treating all our neighbours equally. Later this
year, the Commission will publish a report on two years of its
implementation, making suggestions for how it might be further
enhanced - both in terms of our partners' efforts and our own
`offers'.
Given the EU's own history and development, the ENP attaches great
importance to regional cooperation. However, rather than expending
effort on developing new or legally binding set-ups - which our
eastern neighbours do not necessarily want or need - such as creating
an institutional structure for our eastern neighbours, we should,
rather, focus on strengthening existing cooperation frameworks such
as Black Sea cooperation. This is of direct interest and use for our
Southern Caucasus partners and others here today.
The EU and its neighbours have a mutual interest in fostering
prosperity, stability and security inter alia through addressing the
root causes of bad governance, lack of economic development,
insecurity and instability that cause the continuing conflicts. As we
have shown in Western Europe over the last 50 years, promoting
prosperity, stability and security is the ultimate
conflict-prevention policy.
Which brings me to plead, once again, for all parties in the Southern
Caucasus to take their conflict-resolution responsibilities
seriously. We must put the long term objective of peace, prosperity
and stability ahead of short term tactical considerations.
In the globalised world of the 21st century, the way to greater
wealth and prosperity is to embrace an open economy and open
political system. That is simply not possible while the region
remains locked in a vicious spiral of tit for tat conflict.
http://europa.eu.int/rapid/pressRelease sAction.do?reference=SPEECH/06/477&format=HTML &aged=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=en