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A POLITICS OF MYTH
Seda Muradyan
Open Democracy, UK
Dec 12 2006
As women in Armenia renew efforts to secure their role in politics,
Seda Muradyan examines the challenges they confront, from flowers in
place of debate, to systemic corruption.
Twenty-two parties recently signed a document making proposals for
Armenia's electoral code, to broaden women's access to politics. It
suggests a 25 percent quota for women in party lists, up from the
current provision of only 3 percent. But the chances of any real
change emerging may be slim, given lack of support from two of the
largest factions in government. Women make up more than 65 percent
of the literate population with higher education. Yet they face an
uphill struggle to achieve political influence.
Armenia ranks among the lowest countries in the world for women's
representation in parliament, with a participation rate of only 5
percent. In local government, this figure is below 2 percent. Seven
of the National Assembly's 131 members are women, while one minister
and three deputy ministers are female. So why is women's intellectual
potential neglected in state management? Women engaged in the public
sphere divide the underlying reasons into myths and realities.
Seda Muradyan is Armenia country director for the Institute of War
and Peace Reporting (IWPR)
Myth or reality? "It is cultural: politics is a man's business"
One of the commonest explanations for women's exclusion says politics
is a man's business and Armenian women more frequently see themselves
as housewives, mothers and wives.
Alvard Petrosyan, of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (a ruling
coalition member) does not think this is a myth. "Armenian women love
ruling the country or the family from behind their husbands' backs.
Might it be true that it is important to maintain a womanly image? I
keep this in mind even when I am at the National Assembly... I
frequently hold back and think: 'let these men speak out here'. In
cases where I become extremely active, I don't show it off, and the
reason is in the nature of Armenian women." However, she is confident
that for the country to develop harmoniously both sexes should be
equally represented at the National Assembly.
In contrast, Hranush Kharatyan, head of the agency for ethnic
minorities, says "frequently we become 'cultural conservatives',
although our culture has no traditions of opposing women's
activities". No matter how much women in Armenia might dispute cultural
factors, the moral-psychological atmosphere dictates certain attitudes
towards women politicians.
In 2005, Gagik Beglaryan won the Kentron community local administration
election over his rival Ruzan Khachatryan, the only female candidate
for the post. Throughout the campaign Gagik Beglaryan presented his
female rival with bunches of flowers instead of holding ideological
debates with her. On 8 March 2004, some five hundred women marched
to the presidential residence to demand the ousting of the incumbent
authorities. The president claimed, "those women either have no
families or lack family warmth". (Ruzan Khachatryan disputes this
crude equation. "There are women in Armenia who are actively involved
in social and political work, but it does not keep them back from
being caring mothers and loving wives.")
Meanwhile, a 2006 Gallup survey measuring pre-election tendencies
revealed that, presented with a choice, Armenian voters would give
preference to male candidates. Only 6 percent of voters were ready
to vote for women against 64 percent support for male candidates.
Political analyst Aghasi Yenokyan believes that men's predominance
stems from social factors, and that women's inclusion remains a mere
cosmetic measure from parties. "Women have not traditionally been
engaged in politics in Armenia. It is not perceived as a matter of
their daily activities. They are still not formed as a social group
that could demand and get benefits."
So is there a desire and understanding for women's participation in
politics? Khosrov Harutyunyan, chairman of the Christian-Democratic
Party of Armenia, regrets he can't see such demand, though he strongly
believes that many things - from tolerance to corruption - would
radically change if women played a decisive political role. Yet he
is confident that women's suppression by men is not the problem.
He too attributes women's lack of participation to social attitudes.
But scratch the surface, and the reality may be more fluid than the
myth. Armenia's national UNIFEM program coordinator Ilona Ter-Minasyan
refutes the idea that the Armenian mentality is an obstacle. "There
have been many other things that our mentality once lacked. But we
are already seeing change in some spheres despite the fact only a
short period of time has elapsed. We can't say our mentality in five
hundred years will be the same as it was three hundred years ago. We
can influence our mentality, to change aspects of it, and we must
do so. We need to realise the necessity and orient ourselves to the
country's development."
Myth: "Women are unwilling to go into politics"
That women are unwilling to go into politics is one of the most
irritating stereotypes for politically active Armenian women. Women
politicians are confident that they are "simply not allowed to come
close to politics".
Eighteen women ran for seats in the National Assembly during the 2003
parliamentary election in Armenia. Only one was elected.
"Today the deputies in the National Assembly are mostly those who
have gained property in the course of the time and their aim is to
keep that property. They will hardly make way to others. That is
why they need a myth about the unwillingness of the women to go into
politics," says Jemma Hasratyan, chair of the Association of Women
with University Education.
Some experts think that the view that women are to some extent
unready to be engaged in politics relates to women's lack of political
experience rather than inadequate knowledge or education.
Ruzan Khachatryan is confident there is quite a big number of
politically active women, but they are not allowed to enter the field
because the opponents exploit 'dirty political mechanisms' like the
use of force, violence and fraud. She says this is why women do not
want to be engaged in politics, despite their suitability.
Realities
Once myths are dispensed with, the underlying realities become
clearer. The political and economic spheres are adjusted to suit male
managers, such that women are more likely to bend to the system than
to struggle against it. Women require the backing of a political
party to enter politics, and cannot take part independently. The
highest positions they can hope to achieve are head of an agency,
advisor or deputy minister - not positions that would allow them to
reform the system. "A woman moving in this milieu needs to adopt the
laws and the rules. The environment does not create the conditions
for a woman to manifest her other qualities," says Ilona Ter-Minasyan.
And the system is frequently corrupt. A recent survey by Transparency
International showed that 62.9 percent of the Armenian population
thinks corruption has grown in the last three years. Amalia Kostanyan
of Transparency International is confident that the system in Armenia
is "corrupt from top to toe".
Women politicians think a certain percentage of representation would
help them avoid obeying the rules of the game set by men, in terms
of corruption, and prevent them falling victim to the system.
Will quotas solve the problem?
International organisations promote women's increased participation
in politics, in the hope of building democracy (a key requirement in a
recently adopted action plan for greater cooperation with the European
Union, for example). But their efforts have so far been successful only
in the non-governmental sector, where women play a major role. Analysts
believe the overall situation will remain unchanged unless women are
artificially included in politics, with steps on the state level to
promote women's entrance into the political arena.
UN expert Dubravka Simonovich thinks the implementation of quotas is
an effective mechanism to redress the balance, while specifying that
it is not "a sign of discrimination towards men, because convention
provides for quotas to promote women's participation in big politics".
"A parliament that does not represent the interests of the half of the
population is not representative. It's not an aim in itself, but the
balanced representation of men and women provides the opportunity to
consider problems raised by both men and women," says Jemma Hasratyan.
Nevertheless, many believe legislation alone will not solve
the problem: attitudes also need to change. Both opposition and
pro-governmental parties accept the need for more women in the National
Assembly. Yet they agree the attempt to artificially increase their
number will not be very productive.
At the parliamentary election 2003 it was decided that 5 percent of
the party lists would be allotted to women. Because the position of
women on the lists was not specified, men immediately took advantage,
says Hermine Naghdalyan, elected on the Republican Party list. Women
were included to meet legal requirements, but their names were set
in the lowest places.
To escape such disappointment in future the introduction of quotas
needs to be accompanied by a relevant work with the political parties,
says Ilona Ter-Minasyan. Women's names should be set in every fourth
place in the list, and women should not be included simply for
being women, but so they are engaged in the development of human
and intellectual resources. Foreign experience shows the quantity
gradually turns into a quality.
Looking ahead: election 2007
Parliamentary elections in May 2007 will be another test of Armenian
democracy. Armenia has failed its previous tests. It is too early to
forecast the results this time, but the unofficial campaigns already
launched do not inspire much hope.
The Republican Party of Armenia, the largest coalitional political
force in Armenia, has chosen to target young people by engaging them
in various events and organising concerts by Russian pop stars for
them. Gagik Tsarukyan of the Prosperous Armenia Party pays young
people's tuition fees, distributes potatoes and seeds, and organises
activities for rural villagers. Despite the prohibition of business
activities by politicians, many members of the National Assembly
of Armenia don't bother concealing their violations, and their
entrepreneurial endeavours enable them to spend large amounts of
money gaining voters' hearts.
These unofficial campaigns tend to replace intellectual and
policy competition, and distort the democratic process, since such
"benevolence" - which is not within the responsibilities or the
salaries of National Assembly members - generally amounts to bribery.
Such methods add to the obstacles women face, as they are less able
to raise funds for campaigns.
So perhaps democracy itself will be the force that properly enables
women's participation. "The artificial involvement of women in
politics will not make the country democratic. If the country becomes
democratic, women's inclusion in politics will grow without special
efforts," says National Assembly member Shavarsh Kocharyan.
In any case, it seems the two will need to go hand in hand.
Lena Badeyan of the A1+ TV Company also contributed to this article.
http://www.opendemocracy.net/democracy-r esolution_1325/armenia_4176.jsp
Seda Muradyan
Open Democracy, UK
Dec 12 2006
As women in Armenia renew efforts to secure their role in politics,
Seda Muradyan examines the challenges they confront, from flowers in
place of debate, to systemic corruption.
Twenty-two parties recently signed a document making proposals for
Armenia's electoral code, to broaden women's access to politics. It
suggests a 25 percent quota for women in party lists, up from the
current provision of only 3 percent. But the chances of any real
change emerging may be slim, given lack of support from two of the
largest factions in government. Women make up more than 65 percent
of the literate population with higher education. Yet they face an
uphill struggle to achieve political influence.
Armenia ranks among the lowest countries in the world for women's
representation in parliament, with a participation rate of only 5
percent. In local government, this figure is below 2 percent. Seven
of the National Assembly's 131 members are women, while one minister
and three deputy ministers are female. So why is women's intellectual
potential neglected in state management? Women engaged in the public
sphere divide the underlying reasons into myths and realities.
Seda Muradyan is Armenia country director for the Institute of War
and Peace Reporting (IWPR)
Myth or reality? "It is cultural: politics is a man's business"
One of the commonest explanations for women's exclusion says politics
is a man's business and Armenian women more frequently see themselves
as housewives, mothers and wives.
Alvard Petrosyan, of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (a ruling
coalition member) does not think this is a myth. "Armenian women love
ruling the country or the family from behind their husbands' backs.
Might it be true that it is important to maintain a womanly image? I
keep this in mind even when I am at the National Assembly... I
frequently hold back and think: 'let these men speak out here'. In
cases where I become extremely active, I don't show it off, and the
reason is in the nature of Armenian women." However, she is confident
that for the country to develop harmoniously both sexes should be
equally represented at the National Assembly.
In contrast, Hranush Kharatyan, head of the agency for ethnic
minorities, says "frequently we become 'cultural conservatives',
although our culture has no traditions of opposing women's
activities". No matter how much women in Armenia might dispute cultural
factors, the moral-psychological atmosphere dictates certain attitudes
towards women politicians.
In 2005, Gagik Beglaryan won the Kentron community local administration
election over his rival Ruzan Khachatryan, the only female candidate
for the post. Throughout the campaign Gagik Beglaryan presented his
female rival with bunches of flowers instead of holding ideological
debates with her. On 8 March 2004, some five hundred women marched
to the presidential residence to demand the ousting of the incumbent
authorities. The president claimed, "those women either have no
families or lack family warmth". (Ruzan Khachatryan disputes this
crude equation. "There are women in Armenia who are actively involved
in social and political work, but it does not keep them back from
being caring mothers and loving wives.")
Meanwhile, a 2006 Gallup survey measuring pre-election tendencies
revealed that, presented with a choice, Armenian voters would give
preference to male candidates. Only 6 percent of voters were ready
to vote for women against 64 percent support for male candidates.
Political analyst Aghasi Yenokyan believes that men's predominance
stems from social factors, and that women's inclusion remains a mere
cosmetic measure from parties. "Women have not traditionally been
engaged in politics in Armenia. It is not perceived as a matter of
their daily activities. They are still not formed as a social group
that could demand and get benefits."
So is there a desire and understanding for women's participation in
politics? Khosrov Harutyunyan, chairman of the Christian-Democratic
Party of Armenia, regrets he can't see such demand, though he strongly
believes that many things - from tolerance to corruption - would
radically change if women played a decisive political role. Yet he
is confident that women's suppression by men is not the problem.
He too attributes women's lack of participation to social attitudes.
But scratch the surface, and the reality may be more fluid than the
myth. Armenia's national UNIFEM program coordinator Ilona Ter-Minasyan
refutes the idea that the Armenian mentality is an obstacle. "There
have been many other things that our mentality once lacked. But we
are already seeing change in some spheres despite the fact only a
short period of time has elapsed. We can't say our mentality in five
hundred years will be the same as it was three hundred years ago. We
can influence our mentality, to change aspects of it, and we must
do so. We need to realise the necessity and orient ourselves to the
country's development."
Myth: "Women are unwilling to go into politics"
That women are unwilling to go into politics is one of the most
irritating stereotypes for politically active Armenian women. Women
politicians are confident that they are "simply not allowed to come
close to politics".
Eighteen women ran for seats in the National Assembly during the 2003
parliamentary election in Armenia. Only one was elected.
"Today the deputies in the National Assembly are mostly those who
have gained property in the course of the time and their aim is to
keep that property. They will hardly make way to others. That is
why they need a myth about the unwillingness of the women to go into
politics," says Jemma Hasratyan, chair of the Association of Women
with University Education.
Some experts think that the view that women are to some extent
unready to be engaged in politics relates to women's lack of political
experience rather than inadequate knowledge or education.
Ruzan Khachatryan is confident there is quite a big number of
politically active women, but they are not allowed to enter the field
because the opponents exploit 'dirty political mechanisms' like the
use of force, violence and fraud. She says this is why women do not
want to be engaged in politics, despite their suitability.
Realities
Once myths are dispensed with, the underlying realities become
clearer. The political and economic spheres are adjusted to suit male
managers, such that women are more likely to bend to the system than
to struggle against it. Women require the backing of a political
party to enter politics, and cannot take part independently. The
highest positions they can hope to achieve are head of an agency,
advisor or deputy minister - not positions that would allow them to
reform the system. "A woman moving in this milieu needs to adopt the
laws and the rules. The environment does not create the conditions
for a woman to manifest her other qualities," says Ilona Ter-Minasyan.
And the system is frequently corrupt. A recent survey by Transparency
International showed that 62.9 percent of the Armenian population
thinks corruption has grown in the last three years. Amalia Kostanyan
of Transparency International is confident that the system in Armenia
is "corrupt from top to toe".
Women politicians think a certain percentage of representation would
help them avoid obeying the rules of the game set by men, in terms
of corruption, and prevent them falling victim to the system.
Will quotas solve the problem?
International organisations promote women's increased participation
in politics, in the hope of building democracy (a key requirement in a
recently adopted action plan for greater cooperation with the European
Union, for example). But their efforts have so far been successful only
in the non-governmental sector, where women play a major role. Analysts
believe the overall situation will remain unchanged unless women are
artificially included in politics, with steps on the state level to
promote women's entrance into the political arena.
UN expert Dubravka Simonovich thinks the implementation of quotas is
an effective mechanism to redress the balance, while specifying that
it is not "a sign of discrimination towards men, because convention
provides for quotas to promote women's participation in big politics".
"A parliament that does not represent the interests of the half of the
population is not representative. It's not an aim in itself, but the
balanced representation of men and women provides the opportunity to
consider problems raised by both men and women," says Jemma Hasratyan.
Nevertheless, many believe legislation alone will not solve
the problem: attitudes also need to change. Both opposition and
pro-governmental parties accept the need for more women in the National
Assembly. Yet they agree the attempt to artificially increase their
number will not be very productive.
At the parliamentary election 2003 it was decided that 5 percent of
the party lists would be allotted to women. Because the position of
women on the lists was not specified, men immediately took advantage,
says Hermine Naghdalyan, elected on the Republican Party list. Women
were included to meet legal requirements, but their names were set
in the lowest places.
To escape such disappointment in future the introduction of quotas
needs to be accompanied by a relevant work with the political parties,
says Ilona Ter-Minasyan. Women's names should be set in every fourth
place in the list, and women should not be included simply for
being women, but so they are engaged in the development of human
and intellectual resources. Foreign experience shows the quantity
gradually turns into a quality.
Looking ahead: election 2007
Parliamentary elections in May 2007 will be another test of Armenian
democracy. Armenia has failed its previous tests. It is too early to
forecast the results this time, but the unofficial campaigns already
launched do not inspire much hope.
The Republican Party of Armenia, the largest coalitional political
force in Armenia, has chosen to target young people by engaging them
in various events and organising concerts by Russian pop stars for
them. Gagik Tsarukyan of the Prosperous Armenia Party pays young
people's tuition fees, distributes potatoes and seeds, and organises
activities for rural villagers. Despite the prohibition of business
activities by politicians, many members of the National Assembly
of Armenia don't bother concealing their violations, and their
entrepreneurial endeavours enable them to spend large amounts of
money gaining voters' hearts.
These unofficial campaigns tend to replace intellectual and
policy competition, and distort the democratic process, since such
"benevolence" - which is not within the responsibilities or the
salaries of National Assembly members - generally amounts to bribery.
Such methods add to the obstacles women face, as they are less able
to raise funds for campaigns.
So perhaps democracy itself will be the force that properly enables
women's participation. "The artificial involvement of women in
politics will not make the country democratic. If the country becomes
democratic, women's inclusion in politics will grow without special
efforts," says National Assembly member Shavarsh Kocharyan.
In any case, it seems the two will need to go hand in hand.
Lena Badeyan of the A1+ TV Company also contributed to this article.
http://www.opendemocracy.net/democracy-r esolution_1325/armenia_4176.jsp