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Armenian Journal: In Caucasus enclave, journalists find improvement

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  • Armenian Journal: In Caucasus enclave, journalists find improvement

    Armenian Journal: In Caucasus enclave, journalists find improvement

    International Journalist's Network
    July 24, 2006

    By Timothy Spence, Knight International Press Fellow

    Around the corner from the government offices of the self-declared
    Nagorno-Karabakh republic, two journalists spend a recent Friday
    evening working in the small offices of the local press club.

    That there is not much news this evening may be a good thing-more
    than a decade after a ceasefire between Karabakh separatists and the
    armies of two former Soviet republics, the peace in this picturesque
    Caucasus region remains fragile.

    And so do conditions for the journalists who work here. Salaries
    are low, information can be hard to come by, and the 11 independent
    newspapers depend on outside sponsors for survival. Most residents
    of the economically struggling region of 145,000 people cannot
    afford the 100 dram (about 23 U.S. cents) it costs for a newspaper.
    Advertising is scarce.

    The government-run public broadcaster controls the radio and
    television stations in Karabakh, and there are several state-sponsored
    newspapers. But journalists interviewed here say that while there are
    obstacles to getting information, the working environment has become
    more free in recent years.

    Naira Hayrumyan, left, and Karine Ohanyan say low wages and a reserved
    society make work in Nagorno-Karabakh difficult for journalists.
    It was hard to imagine this a few years ago, when there were no
    alternative and independent mass media in Karabakh," says Karine
    Ohanyan, who works for the independent "Demo" newspaper and corresponds
    for the London-based Institute for War and Peace Reporting. "However,
    now that we have a number of publications independent of authorities,
    reporters are able to cover developments fairly by means of such
    mass media. As a result, readers can get information from different
    sources and formulate their own objective opinion."

    Naira Hayrumyan, editor of the online news service KarabakhOpen.com,
    also says there is greater freedom for journalists. Officials use
    "friendly advice" rather than "threats or force" in dealings with
    reporters, she says.

    Still, journalists face significant challenges in a region still
    scarred by ethnic conflict that turned bloody as the Soviet Union
    disintigrated. Self-censorship, the small size of the region and
    fears of self-expression-a byproduct of Soviet rule-all make the job
    difficult. And a reserved society makes it tough for even the most
    aggressive journalists to have their reporting effect change.

    "Karabakh reporters live in a small country where all the people
    know each other, and many of them simply refuse to be in a story,"
    says Hayrumyan, adding that in Karabakh, "we seek to observe the
    decencies and not to offend anyone."

    Ohanyan and Hayrumyan were interviewed in English and Armenian at the
    three-room press club in the capital Stepanakert, and later answered
    questions about press freedom by e-mail. Their answers were translated
    from the Russian.

    Ohanyan of "Demo" says the lack of media influence hurts the
    unrecognized Karabakh republic, saying there is no "fourth estate"
    to spur public debate or create awareness about citizens' concerns.

    "They are on their own, in a way, a separate link in the chain, and
    on the whole their quality matters little," Ohanyan said. "The media
    perform an information function and that's it."

    Karabakh got much less international media attention than other
    post-Soviet conflicts. The rugged moutnains of the landlocked region
    made access difficult and its small size made this a secondary story to
    the battles in Chechnya and the former Yugoslavia, and less compelling
    a story than the peaceful revolutions and independence movements in
    the Baltic states and Eastern Europe.

    Two boys sit in front of the clinic in Shushi, a once-thriving mountain
    town where most homes and buildings lie in ruin 12 years after the
    ceasefire. Both Ohanyan and Hayrumyan say that too little attention
    has been given to their homeland's struggles and that even regional
    media neglect to report about how the current political stalemate is
    affecting people. "The Azerbaijan and Armenian media often feature
    the lives of their citizens, but the way simple people live in the
    conflict region gets little coverage," Ohanyan says.

    Karabakh-which means "black garden" and is also known in Armenian
    as Artsak-was a majority Armenian area that in the earliest years of
    the Soviet Union was incorporated into Azerbaijan. Tensions began to
    grow in 1988 as the ethnic Armenians sought autonomy from Azerbaijan.
    Soviet interior ministry forces were sent to quash the separatist
    movement, but war broke out in the final months of the Soviet Union
    in 1991

    Christian Armenia backed Karabakh against mostly Muslim Azerbaijan.
    The fighting, punctuated by accusations of ethnic cleansing and
    forced expulsions on both sides, mirrored the ethnic conflicts in
    the Balkans. Armenian forces and the Karabakh militia succeeded in
    driving out the better-armed Azeri army before Russia brokered a
    ceasefire in 1994.

    As many as 30,000 people died in the conflict, and tens of thousands
    of people were driven from their homes. Nearly everyone was affected by
    the fighting in the enclave, which is the size of the American state of
    Delaware. Hayrumyan's husband was killed in 1992 during the conflict.

    Karabakh declared independence from Azerbaijan and aligned itself
    with Armenia, but the international community does not recognize it
    as an independent republic. Talks have stalled on a lasting peace
    deal despite renewed efforts earlier this year.

    While Karabakh is largely peaceful today, scars of war remain. The
    once-thriving mountain city of Shushi lies in ruin. Some 3,000 people
    live there, about 10 percent of its population before the war.

    While the media in Karabakh, Armenia and Azerbaijan often wage
    wars of rhetoric and nationalistic sentiment, that may be changing.
    "Recently," says Ohanyan, "there was a breakthrough in the independent
    printed press, namely analytical and other information have appeared
    covering the security issue. I figure it's the opinions of people
    in a story that can be nationalistic, but the story itself gives
    fair coverage."

    Timothy Spence is a Knight Fellow working with journalists
    in Armenia. This is his second tour with the program; he
    was previously in Ethiopia. The John S. and James L. Knight
    Foundation sponsors the fellowships, administered by the
    International Center for Journalists. For more information, visit
    http://www.knight-international.org/.

    From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
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