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The Times, UK
June 2 2006
Calls for freedom make the jigsaw of Europe more complicated than
ever
By Jeremy Page and Richard Beeston, Diplomatic Editor
MOST people would struggle to point out Pridnestrovskaya Moldavskaya
Respublika on a map, let alone pronounce it.
Those who can, know it as a hotbed of smuggling, the site of a vast
Soviet-era weapons dump, or perhaps the home of Sheriff Tiraspol
football club.
But this tiny sliver of land, known in English as Transdniestr, is
the latest European enclave to make a bid for independence following
Montenegro's decision to declare statehood last month.
Igor Smirnov, Transdniestr's `President', has announced that its
550,000 people will vote in a referendum in September on whether to
seek formal independence from Moldova.
`The recent example of Montenegro proves that a referendum is
becoming a norm for solving conflicts,', said Mr Smirnov, 64, a
former metalworker.
In the unlikely event that Transdniestr wins independence, it would
become Europe's 19th new country since the collapse of communism in
1989, and the fragmentation goes on.
>From the Basques of Spain to Turkey's Kurds, there are minorities who
yearn for a country of their own, and Montenegro's example has
kindled hopes that even tiny enclaves in Europe's forgotten corners
can still become viable states.
The fear is that declarations of independence by mini-states could
spark fresh instability in already unstable regions.
In the Balkans, Montenegro's independence drive is likely to be
followed by Kosovo, a predominantly ethnic Albanian province of
Serbia. That could spark fresh moves by the ethnic Serb Republika
Srpska to break away from Bosnia, and Herceg-Bosna's Croats to join
Croatia.
In the Caucasus, Russia is still struggling to contain the separatist
rebellion in Chechnya. Georgia is split by breakaway regions in
Abkhazia and South Ossetia. There is still no resolution to
Nagorno-Karabakh, a disputed enclave in Azerbaijan that is controlled
by Armenia.
Not even Western Europe is immune. Nationalists in Northern Ireland
still seek a united Ireland. Scotland is in theory closer to
independence that at any time since the Act of Union with England 300
years ago. Separatist movements are active in the Basque country,
Corsica, Sardinia and Italy.
As for Europe's newest would-be state, Transdniestr broke away from
Moldova in 1990 and the two sides fought a war in 1992 that left more
than 1,500 people dead. Although never recognised internationally, it
has close ties to Russia, which helped the ethnic Russians in the war
and has maintained 1,500 troops there.
Officially, they are there to keep the peace and guard a stockpile of
40,000 tonnes of weapons stored there in case of a Nato invasion. In
reality, this remains Moscow's westernmost strategic outpost - a
bulwark against the expanding EU and Nato. It is also a haven for
money-laundering, smuggling and illegal weapons sales.
Mr Smirnov runs it as a personal fiefdom, financed by local oligarchs
and propped up by nostalgia for the Soviet Union. It has its own
currency based on the old Soviet rouble, uses the old Soviet Moldovan
flag, and stages annual Soviet-style military parades. Police wear
uniforms bearing the hammer and sickle.
There is no direct telephone link to Moldova and no mobile network.
Shop windows display tawdry goods from the 1970s and 1980s. The only
redeeming feature is Moldova's only FIFA-approved football stadium,
which is home to the country's top football club, Sheriff Tiraspol.
Peace talks, mediated by the Organisation for Security and
Co-operation in Europe, have stalled over Transdniestr's refusal to
accept autonomy within a Moldovan state. Russia has backed the
referendum.
Karel De Gucht, the Belgian Foreign Minister and OSCE chairman, has
said that there is no legal basis for a referendum and urged both
sides to return to the negotiating table.
June 2 2006
Calls for freedom make the jigsaw of Europe more complicated than
ever
By Jeremy Page and Richard Beeston, Diplomatic Editor
MOST people would struggle to point out Pridnestrovskaya Moldavskaya
Respublika on a map, let alone pronounce it.
Those who can, know it as a hotbed of smuggling, the site of a vast
Soviet-era weapons dump, or perhaps the home of Sheriff Tiraspol
football club.
But this tiny sliver of land, known in English as Transdniestr, is
the latest European enclave to make a bid for independence following
Montenegro's decision to declare statehood last month.
Igor Smirnov, Transdniestr's `President', has announced that its
550,000 people will vote in a referendum in September on whether to
seek formal independence from Moldova.
`The recent example of Montenegro proves that a referendum is
becoming a norm for solving conflicts,', said Mr Smirnov, 64, a
former metalworker.
In the unlikely event that Transdniestr wins independence, it would
become Europe's 19th new country since the collapse of communism in
1989, and the fragmentation goes on.
>From the Basques of Spain to Turkey's Kurds, there are minorities who
yearn for a country of their own, and Montenegro's example has
kindled hopes that even tiny enclaves in Europe's forgotten corners
can still become viable states.
The fear is that declarations of independence by mini-states could
spark fresh instability in already unstable regions.
In the Balkans, Montenegro's independence drive is likely to be
followed by Kosovo, a predominantly ethnic Albanian province of
Serbia. That could spark fresh moves by the ethnic Serb Republika
Srpska to break away from Bosnia, and Herceg-Bosna's Croats to join
Croatia.
In the Caucasus, Russia is still struggling to contain the separatist
rebellion in Chechnya. Georgia is split by breakaway regions in
Abkhazia and South Ossetia. There is still no resolution to
Nagorno-Karabakh, a disputed enclave in Azerbaijan that is controlled
by Armenia.
Not even Western Europe is immune. Nationalists in Northern Ireland
still seek a united Ireland. Scotland is in theory closer to
independence that at any time since the Act of Union with England 300
years ago. Separatist movements are active in the Basque country,
Corsica, Sardinia and Italy.
As for Europe's newest would-be state, Transdniestr broke away from
Moldova in 1990 and the two sides fought a war in 1992 that left more
than 1,500 people dead. Although never recognised internationally, it
has close ties to Russia, which helped the ethnic Russians in the war
and has maintained 1,500 troops there.
Officially, they are there to keep the peace and guard a stockpile of
40,000 tonnes of weapons stored there in case of a Nato invasion. In
reality, this remains Moscow's westernmost strategic outpost - a
bulwark against the expanding EU and Nato. It is also a haven for
money-laundering, smuggling and illegal weapons sales.
Mr Smirnov runs it as a personal fiefdom, financed by local oligarchs
and propped up by nostalgia for the Soviet Union. It has its own
currency based on the old Soviet rouble, uses the old Soviet Moldovan
flag, and stages annual Soviet-style military parades. Police wear
uniforms bearing the hammer and sickle.
There is no direct telephone link to Moldova and no mobile network.
Shop windows display tawdry goods from the 1970s and 1980s. The only
redeeming feature is Moldova's only FIFA-approved football stadium,
which is home to the country's top football club, Sheriff Tiraspol.
Peace talks, mediated by the Organisation for Security and
Co-operation in Europe, have stalled over Transdniestr's refusal to
accept autonomy within a Moldovan state. Russia has backed the
referendum.
Karel De Gucht, the Belgian Foreign Minister and OSCE chairman, has
said that there is no legal basis for a referendum and urged both
sides to return to the negotiating table.