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Prospects Of Azerbaijan's Military Doctrine: Problems And Goals: Int

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  • Prospects Of Azerbaijan's Military Doctrine: Problems And Goals: Int

    PROSPECTS OF AZERBAIJAN'S MILITARY DOCTRINE: PROBLEMS AND GOALS: INTERVIEW WITH RAUF RAJABOV

    Regnum, Russia
    June 15 2006

    Rauf Rajabov - military expert, director of the Peace, Democracy and
    Culture Research Analytical Center (Baku)

    REGNUM: For many years already people in Azerbaijan have been talking
    about early adoption of a military doctrine. Some local media even
    said this would happen during the spring parliamentary session, but
    "the cart is still there." Obviously, they are also having problems
    with the declared formation of the Defense-Industrial Complex...

    Now we have specific deadlines: the military advisor of the Azeri
    president, Gen. Vahid Aliyev has said that by the end of 2006 Milli
    Mejlis will adopt the long-awaited Military Doctrine. One must not
    dawdle with military doctrine for years. For example, Azerbaijan's
    strategic partner Georgia was very quick in adopting a military
    doctrine - a document mentioning both possible enemy (it almost names
    it - "northern country") and strategic partners as well as clearly
    defining goals - integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. Of course,
    we need a different military doctrine but we can't but envy Georgia's
    quickness.

    One of the priorities of the Azeri president's policy is to form
    defense industry. For example, why buy arms and equipment abroad if
    one can arrange their licensed production at home? It is also time
    to decide what defense-industrial sphere will be given what priority
    depending on the long-term needs of the army and the mobilization needs
    of the state. The formation of Defense-Industrial Complex will allow
    local defense companies to transit from just surviving to developing,
    and the key prerequisite for this is the substantial increasse in
    military expenses due to high oil prices.

    Quite recently the Ukrainian president decreed to increase
    the country's military expenses to $650 mln. Certainly, the
    formation of DIC will be good for the country's defense capacity
    and military security. Besides, as military challenges and the
    general geo-political situation in the "Big Caucasus" are getting
    increasingly specific, Azerbaijan is beginning to feel growing need
    for tougher requirements to the economic security parameters of its
    defense sector and for certain changes in its military-technical
    cooperation policies. However, in order to attain qualitative results
    in the military, the country needs a long-term program of reforms.

    REGNUM: What is the idea of the military reform the country has been
    planning for already a decade?

    The idea is that it should embrace the whole defense system with
    the army reforms being just a part of it. The strategic plan of
    Azerbaijan's military reforms might have the following priorities: to
    urgently adopt a military doctrine - as even a lieutenant knows that
    military doctrine is a military constitution; to provide fundamental
    knowledge at military higher schools; to form a mobile regular
    organizational structure; to improve army technique and logistics;
    to recruit and train personnel; to democratize the military life;
    to ensure the social and legal security of military men and their
    families; to adapt military reforms to market economy conditions;
    to build the army with due regard for existing and possible military
    threats.

    The military reform should consider the economic situation in the
    country, the acting legislation, the military budget, the forming
    military-industrial complex and the army strength. The strength and
    structure of the Azeri army should conform to the country's political,
    economic and other capabilities and, most importantly, with its foreign
    political priorities. The strategic objective of the military reform is
    to bring the Azeri army into conformity with the new Azeri statehood,
    political system and economy, with the content and the nature of the
    wars of XXI, with real and potential challenges to the national and
    regional interests and security of Azerbaijan.

    The concept of military reform should have the status of state program
    or, even, of law.

    REGNUM: I suppose, like in the case of other bills, the military reform
    concept will be unofficially presented by the concerned department,
    i.e. the defense ministry?

    By no means. We must not allow the defense ministry to draft the
    concept "the way it likes." We won't be able to speak about any
    military reform until we decide our key problems: approve the concept
    of national security, specify key external and internal treats,
    create optimal system of army financing and re-equipment, draft
    new conscription law, overhaul the ruined system of reserve officer
    retraining and mobilization infrastructure, restore the system of
    sport-patriotic education of the youth.

    Unless we resolve the above problems, all our good intentions
    to drastically reform the army will remain just good intentions,
    which, as you know, are a road to hell. We must stop demagogy about
    contract army. In the US this process took over 15 years and was fed
    by constantly growing military budget. Before launching military
    reforms we must, first and foremost, decide what functions the
    Defense Ministry and the General Staff should have, in what kind of
    subordination they should be to the president-the commander-in-chief,
    what specific forms of control the society and the parliament should
    exercise over the army. The military reform concept should fully
    comply with all acting laws and the military doctrine of Azerbaijan.

    Neither reforms nor other political, social or economic reasons can or
    must prevent the country from fulfilling its duty to protect its own
    sovereignty and to keep high the fighting readiness of its soldiers
    and officers. The army has had and continues to have problems, but
    they are though slowly but being resolved due mostly to the officers
    for whom the concept "there is a profession to protect Homeland"
    has not lost its genuine meaning.

    REGNUM: The re-equipment of the Azeri army is a problem that can be
    easily solved if there is necessary money, but this medal has the
    other side. As the well-known author of Marxism-Leninism would say:
    personnel decide everything. Have they replaced the dismissed old
    commanders with people who can form really up-to-date units?

    Some soldiers show much lower moral than military-technical
    development. The actions of some officers require moral
    consciousness, relations and practice as they are part of military
    policy. Indifference and passiveness lead to inertness and degradation,
    while low morality to deterioration of the military art.

    Rudeness and low professionalism are a big threat for the army -
    during war this results in big losses, during peace the incompetence,
    subservience and careerism of such soldiers cripple the fighting
    capacity of the army and damage its prestige. Many such officers go up
    very quickly and the higher ranks they get the more damage they cause
    to the army. Their injustice stains military prestige and spoils the
    health of their soldiers. The military policy cannot be effective if
    the rights of soldiers are violated. In order to make the military
    policy moral, the government, the parliament and the society should
    approach, analyze and control policies of the defense ministry from
    the viewpoint of morality.

    Azerbaijan needs a fair mechanism of commander selection so as to
    have intellectual, professional and morally and psychologically
    prepared officers. One of the key criteria of selection, especially
    into headquarters, should be their fighting experience. As a rule,
    any defense reform should start from revision of officer recruitment,
    training and distribution tasks. These tasks cannot be solved without
    developing military and professional skills of young officers, but,
    at the same time, we should not "lose" experienced officers. We
    should improve the service conditions and order, prevent the untimely
    dismissal of experienced officers. Unfortunately, there are still very
    many examples: Generals Talyb Mamedov and Yashar Aydamirov. It will
    take us many years ahead to examine the lessons of the Karabakh war,
    with all its achievements and failures. The fighting experience of
    many our officers should be fully used in our army and for our army,
    in the system of military and civil education, in military governance
    and personnel training.
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