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LOCAL ELECTIONS IN GEORGIA: DEFEAT WILL PROVE "VIRTUALITY" OF ARMENIAN LEADERS OF JAVAKHETI
Regnum, Russia
Oct 5 2006
On the eve of the Oct 5 local elections in Georgia, the situation in
Samtskhe-Javakheti (mostly Armenian region of Georgia) seemed to be
calm. Some voters even called it "pacified," thereby, drawing the
observers' attention to the merciless (till the very last campaign
day) exploitation of strengths and means by the opponent forces. The
atmosphere was tense: some opponents even clashed. The most scandalous
incident - it has even got to the prosecutor's office - took place
in the Akhalkalaki village of Khorena on Sept 25: representatives
of United National Movement and the Industrialist had a very radical
squabble on that day. As a result, the Akhalkalaki prosecutor's office
instituted criminal proceedings... Thus, the Oct 4 "pacification" did
not mean that the opponents were exhausted, simply, it is forbidden
to canvass on the eve of elections.
However, the very notion "legal order" can be interpreted quite
differently. Particularly, many people are failing "to find themselves"
in the lists, but, instead, are finding the names of emigrants and
even deceased. The most interesting point is that they can't complain
of it in "legal order" - the courts are no longer considering such
cases. In any case, for well known reasons, today, the "legal field"
notion in Georgia is specified by the Law On Local Self-government,
whose indisputable advantages over the version of 2001 has become
a bone of contention for the opposing political forces. The law
specifies the legal, economic and financial bases and state guarantees
of local authorities, the procedure of their formation, their powers
and relations with government bodies.
Particularly, local self-government in Georgia has authority to
appoint executives in its territories through electoral municipal
assembly and also:
a) to manage and dispose of the property it owns;
b) to manage and dispose of the land resource it owns;
c) to consider and approve and to amend its draft budget;
d) to impose and collect local taxes, to fix their rates within
admissible limits;
e) to collect local payments;
f) to plan land tenure, to delimitate territories, to establish and
change borders;
g) to regulate local passenger operations;
h) to regulate trade;
i) to plan local traffic except on roads of international and
inter-state significance;
j) to regulate problems related to the conduct of assemblies, rallies,
demonstrations;
k) to name streets and squares.
The above (small) part of local self-government's powers already show
the indisputable advantages of the new version of the law and are
especially valuable in administrative-territorial units like the mostly
Armenian (in particular) districts of Samtskhe-Javakheti and Tsalka
district of the neighboring Kvemo-Kartli region. We would like to
remind you that the Armenian population makes up half of the region's
demography. Many voters say that it was due exactly to the advantages
of the law that none of the candidates mention in their programs the
traditional demand for "Armenian cultural autonomy" within Georgia.
Nevertheless, the law has lots of discriminative deficiencies.
Particularly, Akhalkalaki district, which has 65 villages (electoral
areas), has been divided into 22 constituencies (sakrebulo) in quite an
interesting "proportion": if 5 Georgian villages have 5 sakrebulos,
50 Armenians villages have only 17 sakrebulos. The imbalance is
not only quantitative but also demographic: the Georgian village of
Brtena, which has 204 voters and the Armenian village of Kartikama -
2,446 voters - have each one vote in the municipal assembly.
One more novelty of the law is that the Municipal Sakrebulo should
have 10 party-list members. The ruling party of Mikhail Saakashvili,
United National Movement, has quite big share in this list.
Particularly, in Akhalkalaki district it is represented by economist
Gagik Mahtessyan, present governor Artur Yeremyan, director of the
radio center Khachik Ayvazyan, director of the B/P Association LTD
Alexan Torossyan, director of the Agricultural Water Supply Agency
Lyova Kazaryan, director of the Akhalalaki Resource Center Nartsiss
Karapetyan and others - a total of 19 candidates.
The party has no less big a share in the single-mandate lists. In some
districts of Samtskhe-Javakheti it even has no rivals - in Ninotsminda
district it has no single opponent. In other mostly Armenian districts
the situation is different: in Akhaltsikh district UNM's opponents
are the Road of Georgia party and the Conservatives, while in Tsalka
district of Kvemo-Kartli region - the Industrialists.
Nevertheless, most observers say that the rivalry will be just a
formality. The only district where one can expect some struggle
is Akhalkalaki, where UNM will be opposed by United Javakh, led by
Vahagn Chakhalyan.
It should be noted that the movement figures in the lists of the
Industrialists as "national parties" are denied registration in
Georgia. Unlike its opponent, United Javakh (Industrialists) has
almost no administrative resources: all 12 candidates are unemployed.
"At the same time, we have strong representation and firm ideological
positions in single-mandate districts," says Chakhalyan. "At first,
we thought about boycotting the elections as, today, you can't even
imagine free and fair voting in Georgia. We discussed this question
with representatives of Armenian organizations and tried to convince
them that it is dangerous to get involved in this game.
The danger is of ideological nature as the defeat will prove
virtuality of the demands of the Armenian population and their very
leaders. Unfortunately, we have failed to come to terms - the servants
of the present authorities have got into a dangerous game and we had
no other way but to accept this challenge."
Observers say that the most severe struggle will be exactly in
Akhalkalaki.
Regnum, Russia
Oct 5 2006
On the eve of the Oct 5 local elections in Georgia, the situation in
Samtskhe-Javakheti (mostly Armenian region of Georgia) seemed to be
calm. Some voters even called it "pacified," thereby, drawing the
observers' attention to the merciless (till the very last campaign
day) exploitation of strengths and means by the opponent forces. The
atmosphere was tense: some opponents even clashed. The most scandalous
incident - it has even got to the prosecutor's office - took place
in the Akhalkalaki village of Khorena on Sept 25: representatives
of United National Movement and the Industrialist had a very radical
squabble on that day. As a result, the Akhalkalaki prosecutor's office
instituted criminal proceedings... Thus, the Oct 4 "pacification" did
not mean that the opponents were exhausted, simply, it is forbidden
to canvass on the eve of elections.
However, the very notion "legal order" can be interpreted quite
differently. Particularly, many people are failing "to find themselves"
in the lists, but, instead, are finding the names of emigrants and
even deceased. The most interesting point is that they can't complain
of it in "legal order" - the courts are no longer considering such
cases. In any case, for well known reasons, today, the "legal field"
notion in Georgia is specified by the Law On Local Self-government,
whose indisputable advantages over the version of 2001 has become
a bone of contention for the opposing political forces. The law
specifies the legal, economic and financial bases and state guarantees
of local authorities, the procedure of their formation, their powers
and relations with government bodies.
Particularly, local self-government in Georgia has authority to
appoint executives in its territories through electoral municipal
assembly and also:
a) to manage and dispose of the property it owns;
b) to manage and dispose of the land resource it owns;
c) to consider and approve and to amend its draft budget;
d) to impose and collect local taxes, to fix their rates within
admissible limits;
e) to collect local payments;
f) to plan land tenure, to delimitate territories, to establish and
change borders;
g) to regulate local passenger operations;
h) to regulate trade;
i) to plan local traffic except on roads of international and
inter-state significance;
j) to regulate problems related to the conduct of assemblies, rallies,
demonstrations;
k) to name streets and squares.
The above (small) part of local self-government's powers already show
the indisputable advantages of the new version of the law and are
especially valuable in administrative-territorial units like the mostly
Armenian (in particular) districts of Samtskhe-Javakheti and Tsalka
district of the neighboring Kvemo-Kartli region. We would like to
remind you that the Armenian population makes up half of the region's
demography. Many voters say that it was due exactly to the advantages
of the law that none of the candidates mention in their programs the
traditional demand for "Armenian cultural autonomy" within Georgia.
Nevertheless, the law has lots of discriminative deficiencies.
Particularly, Akhalkalaki district, which has 65 villages (electoral
areas), has been divided into 22 constituencies (sakrebulo) in quite an
interesting "proportion": if 5 Georgian villages have 5 sakrebulos,
50 Armenians villages have only 17 sakrebulos. The imbalance is
not only quantitative but also demographic: the Georgian village of
Brtena, which has 204 voters and the Armenian village of Kartikama -
2,446 voters - have each one vote in the municipal assembly.
One more novelty of the law is that the Municipal Sakrebulo should
have 10 party-list members. The ruling party of Mikhail Saakashvili,
United National Movement, has quite big share in this list.
Particularly, in Akhalkalaki district it is represented by economist
Gagik Mahtessyan, present governor Artur Yeremyan, director of the
radio center Khachik Ayvazyan, director of the B/P Association LTD
Alexan Torossyan, director of the Agricultural Water Supply Agency
Lyova Kazaryan, director of the Akhalalaki Resource Center Nartsiss
Karapetyan and others - a total of 19 candidates.
The party has no less big a share in the single-mandate lists. In some
districts of Samtskhe-Javakheti it even has no rivals - in Ninotsminda
district it has no single opponent. In other mostly Armenian districts
the situation is different: in Akhaltsikh district UNM's opponents
are the Road of Georgia party and the Conservatives, while in Tsalka
district of Kvemo-Kartli region - the Industrialists.
Nevertheless, most observers say that the rivalry will be just a
formality. The only district where one can expect some struggle
is Akhalkalaki, where UNM will be opposed by United Javakh, led by
Vahagn Chakhalyan.
It should be noted that the movement figures in the lists of the
Industrialists as "national parties" are denied registration in
Georgia. Unlike its opponent, United Javakh (Industrialists) has
almost no administrative resources: all 12 candidates are unemployed.
"At the same time, we have strong representation and firm ideological
positions in single-mandate districts," says Chakhalyan. "At first,
we thought about boycotting the elections as, today, you can't even
imagine free and fair voting in Georgia. We discussed this question
with representatives of Armenian organizations and tried to convince
them that it is dangerous to get involved in this game.
The danger is of ideological nature as the defeat will prove
virtuality of the demands of the Armenian population and their very
leaders. Unfortunately, we have failed to come to terms - the servants
of the present authorities have got into a dangerous game and we had
no other way but to accept this challenge."
Observers say that the most severe struggle will be exactly in
Akhalkalaki.