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Turkey, Genocide And The EU's Double Standards

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  • Turkey, Genocide And The EU's Double Standards

    TURKEY, GENOCIDE AND THE EU'S DOUBLE STANDARDS

    Mideast Mirror
    October 25, 2006 Wednesday

    While the Turks may not be blameless, French and other EU pressures
    regarding the Armenian genocide smack of hypocrisy, says Helia Hamad
    al-Mukeimi in Saudi Asharq al-Awsat

    The European Commission is supposed to begin a review of Turkey's
    application for EU membership on 24 October, notes Kuwaiti expert
    on European affairs Helia Hamad al-Mukeimi in the Saudi daily Asharq
    al-Awsat.

    INCREASING PRESSURE: In the run up to this review, the Turkish
    government has been coming under increasing pressure from the European
    side designed to find pretexts to keep Turkey out of the club.

    Turkey has been trying to become part of Europe since 1963, but to
    no avail. One aspect of these pressures has been the insistence that
    Turkey admits responsibility for the massacre of Armenians that took
    place under the Ottoman Empire between 1915 and 1917, which cost 1.5
    million Armenians their lives (according to Armenian figures).

    The Turks deny that those killings constituted genocide, and maintain
    that the Armenians also killed a large number of Turks. Some Turks
    believe that the figures cited by the Armenians are exaggerated,
    and that no more than 300,000 were killed. Nationalist Turks say that
    admitting responsibility for these killings would constitute a grave
    affront to Turkish identity. In spite of knowing how sensitive this
    issue is to the Turks, the Europeans insist on raising it all the
    time - but not on an official government level.

    By raising the issue of the Armenian 'genocide' through national
    parliaments, the Europeans have been keen to let the Turks know that
    it is European public opinion that is against Turkey's Ottoman past.

    The latest report by the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European
    Parliament contained severe criticism of Turkey for its failure to
    carry out the reforms needed to qualify it for EU membership.

    Among these reforms are improvements to the rights of women and
    minorities, freedom of expression, and religious rights. The report
    also called on the Turks to recognize and establish normal relations
    with Cyprus. It also made admitting responsibility for the Armenian
    genocide a precondition for Turkish accession.

    In fact, even the decision by the Swedish Academy to grant Turkish
    writer Orhan Pamuk this year's Nobel Prize for literature was not
    devoid of political connotations. For in spite of Pamuk's undeniable
    talent as a novelist, he is also one of Turkey's most prominent
    advocates of recognizing the Armenian genocide. The fact that he was
    nominated for the Nobel Prize last year undermined the government's
    efforts to try him for 'deliberately insulting Turkishness.' Pamuk
    would have spent three years in jail had the accusations against
    not been thrown out, thanks to the pressure exerted by the European
    Commission on Ankara.

    The announcement that Pamuk had won the Nobel prize coincided
    with another event that caused uproar in Turkey. On the same day,
    the French parliament passed a bill making it a crime to deny the
    Armenian genocide. The new bill came on top of a previous piece of
    legislation passed by the French parliament in 2001 recognizing the
    Armenian massacre as a case of genocide.

    The draft was tabled by the opposition socialist bloc, and was passed
    by 106 votes to 19 amid loud applause.

    Oddly enough, the French bill went beyond a bill passed in 1996
    by the Greek parliament, which while recognizing the massacres as
    genocide, did not go as far as criminalizing their denial. While it
    was understandable that the Greeks should have passed such a law,
    given the historical enmity between Greece and Turkey, why the French
    passed their recent bill is still a mystery.

    The position adopted by European governments is different however.

    Officially, European governments seem eager to maintain cordial
    relations with Turkey, and to avoid antagonizing the Turks. 'We are
    working hard to accept you in the club,' they seem to say, 'but what
    can we do if our peoples do not want you in?'

    Olli Rehn, the EU commissioner for expansion warned that the new
    French law would damage efforts to settle differences between Turkey
    and Armenia, while Rehn's spokesperson Christina Nagy said, 'When this
    bill becomes law, it will undermine reconciliation efforts.' Nagy went
    on to say that, laws cannot write history, only historians can do that.

    She stressed that taking responsibility for the Armenian genocide
    should not be a precondition for Turkey's accession to the EU. For its
    part, the French government opposed the bill, saying that it restricts
    freedom of expression. But President Jacques Chirac seemed to side
    with parliament by paying an unprecedented visit to Armenia last month.

    After laying a wreath on a monument to the victims, Chirac urged
    Turkey to 'do its duty' and take responsibility for the genocide,
    insinuating that this would have a bearing on Turkey's accession. The
    French president declared, 'Nations stand tall when they admit their
    mistakes.'

    'Germany,' Chirac said, 'took responsibility for the Holocaust. That
    did not lose it its credibility; on the contrary, it grew in the eyes
    of the world. The same can be said of France and other nations.'

    Orhan Pamuk's position is similar. Yet it is different for a Turk
    to call for recognizing the genocide. Pamuk's insistence that Turkey
    must take responsibility for the massacres is a call for his country
    to reconcile itself with its past. Only then, he believes, could
    Turkey be prepared to come to terms with the West in its vain quest
    for EU membership.

    The West sees it differently. Western insistence that Turkey take
    responsibility for the Armenian genocide is designed to widen the
    gap between Ankara and the EU thus making accession impossible.

    Clearly, Pamuk himself finally understood this difference. Commenting
    recently on Turkey's efforts to gain EU membership, he said: 'Yes,
    I support Turkish membership, and have written extensively to that
    effect. But I find myself chasing a mirage. I believed that Turkey
    and Europe could live in harmony with each other. Unfortunately,
    I discovered that there is no love lost between them. That is why I
    decided to return to my novels.'

    Taking responsibility for the Armenian genocide means that Turkey
    has to compensate the victims financially and morally. This would
    mean that economically weak Turkey would have to wait even longer
    to fulfill the EU's stringent economic criteria. Thus, we see that
    taking responsibility for the genocide is not so much a condition
    for EU entry as it is an obstacle.

    Also, comparing Turkey's assuming responsibility with the experience
    of other European nations is neither fair nor valid. Turkey, a Muslim
    nation with 70 million inhabitants on the fringes of Europe is not
    Germany, the beating heart of Europe and the continent's economic
    engine. Calls for reconciliation with the past do not mean the
    same thing.

    As far as Turkey is concerned, reconciliation with the past means
    admitting mistakes, while for the West it means forgetting the
    colonial past.

    France for example has never apologized for killing up to one million
    Algerians. Although France does give certain privileges to citizens of
    its former colonies, it has never apologized to, much less compensated,
    its victims.

    Belgium is another case in point. Despite its crimes in Africa (in
    Congo especially), Belgium still takes pride in its colonial past,
    as witnessed by Brussels' African Museum. Did Belgium reconcile itself
    with its past before it was chosen as the EU's capital?

    Criticizing Western double standards does not necessarily mean
    accepting the mistakes committed by the Ottomans. In fact, the Ottoman
    Empire played a major part in keeping its possessions (including
    the Arab world) in a state of backwardness. European colonialism
    only exacerbated this backwardness and institutionalized a state
    of inequality that still exists today. Thanks to this inequality,
    the former Arab Ottoman provinces now provide a fertile soil for the
    growth of extremism and terrorism.

    Had the Ottoman Empire not become so backward in its latter years,
    Western colonialism could not have flourished. This means that the
    Ottoman Empire unintentionally did the Western colonial powers a
    great service. How then can these powers still demand that Turkey
    apologize for their past mistakes?

    If secular Muslim Turkey admits responsibility for the Armenian
    genocide (a la Germany and the Holocaust), will it then be accepted
    as a member of the EU?
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