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TURKEY MOVING FROM OLIGARCHY TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY, SAYS OÐUR
Today's Zaman
April 14 2008
Turkey
Turgay Oður, a representative from the Young Civilians -- a Turkish NGO
noted for its use of sarcasm in protests -- says recent developments,
including the ongoing closure case against the ruling party and last
year's "367 criterion," introduced to the presidential election
process with the result that the ballot in Parliament was made
unusually difficult, show that Turkey currently has an oligarchic
power structure.
"The Constitutional Court, as we have found out, has turned out to be
a supervisory body over the Parliament," Oður says in an interview for
Monday Talk. "If the court overturns the legislation on the freedom
to wear the headscarf at universities and if it decides to close down
the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), it will be proven that
this is an absolute monarchy," he says.
The Young Civilians, a group of "private citizens" from diverse
backgrounds, states that it was established to demand change for
more democracy. Rejecting the wearing of the "uniforms of anyone,"
they started as a group of students and began holding protests in
the early years of the new century.
For Monday Talk, Oður explains how the Young Civilians got their name
and why they are "uncomfortable" with the way things are in Turkey.
Your organization came into the limelight with its criticism of the
May 19 Youth and Sports Day celebrations. How did this happen?
We had a gathering at Parliament on May 19 in 2003. We have
long desired to free the youth festivities from the way they are
celebrated in stadiums where young people have not been treated as
individuals, but as part of a planned organization. They have been
seen as objects, not subjects. As we have been trying to give this
message, newspapers wrote several stories about us. We did not even
have a name at the time.
Then came a story in the Cumhuriyet daily about 'young officers,'
right?
Yes, the newspaper wrote that the young officers were uncomfortable
with a few things in the country, including our May 19 campaign.
Later, in 2006, we wrote an unprecedented text about the Kurdish
issue. We titled it "The Young Civilians are Uncomfortable" and it
was highly debated, so whenever we were referred to later on, we were
described as the group that wrote the text of "The Young Civilians
are Uncomfortable."
And you have a pair of sneakers in the logo, as opposed to the military
boots of the young officers...
Yes, we found this symbol on an ad hoc basis. In the Cumhuriyet
article I mentioned, they had military boots displayed next to the
story. We thought of an object contrary to the military boots and
close to the hearts of young civilians and found a pair of sneakers
most appropriate as a symbol.
Your messages have been perceived as very political, yet also quite
democratic. How do you get rid of your prejudice?
We listen to our consciences. Each of us has a background that shapes
us to a degree, but we also have our consciences, which guide us.
That brings us together.
Do you receive any negative reactions at the university -- or outside
-- because of what you do and how you do it?
We have people coming from different backgrounds and we have a
mixed profile. We have ordinary-looking people doing extraordinary
or somewhat unexpected things. This is unusual for many people and
they have difficulty labeling us.
For example?
When it comes to the headscarf issue, our most fervent supporter of
headscarf freedom is a woman who describes herself as an agnostic.
She surprised all of her instructors and students at the Middle East
Technical University (ODTU). So, because of this fact, people have
a delayed reaction and we have many times proven that preliminary
opinions were wrong.
Why would an agnostic defend headscarf freedom?
Actually, there is no need to do this, but it is a requirement of
taking a democratic stand in Turkey. The headscarf is an issue of basic
freedoms. I cannot say, "You're going to be against me if I don't look
like you tomorrow, so I should oppose your headscarf today." I should
not say that because, if you do such a thing tomorrow, I can deal with
it then. I cannot side with those who want to restrict the freedom
to wear a headscarf because I think it would not be ethical. This
would be like a father who beats up his daughter "pre-emptively" so
that she will not do anything "wrong" or anything he doesn't approve
of. This is a pathological approach.
You are a relatively small group, but your activities make it to
the media easily. How do you manage to get organized so easily and
project your messages?
We mainly communicate through e-mail. We use lots of humor. We follow
daily developments in the country. When the talk in the country was
about higher education entrance exams (the Student Selection Exam,
OSS) one week, there was no use in going to the seaside to protest
pollution. At the time, we prepared ironic test questions to help
the distressed students get through trying to pass the exam.
Do you have ambitions to become a bigger organization or do you plan
to be involved in politics in a party format in the future?
We don't think spreading out with lots of branches is a good use of
our time. We focus on production and on our activism. We have events
organized by different members of the group. We have an anarchist
makeup. One of our members has organized a visit to Ýstanbul by
Italian Prosecutor Felice Casson [who discovered the existence of
Operation Gladio, a NATO stay-behind paramilitary force left over
from the Cold War] and another member organized a workshop about
Kurdish culture called "Let's be Kurdish."
When is Felice Casson coming?
He will be speaking at [Ýstanbul] Bilgi University on April 26.
And could you be Kurdish?
We have realized that we don't know as much about Kurdish culture
as we know about, say, Japanese culture, even though Kurds have been
quite Turkish in that sense. We wanted to learn about their cooking,
their language and their songs. We memorized Kurdish songs and we
cooked Kurdish dinners. Basically, we wanted to end our ignorance about
Kurdish ways. At the end of the workshop, we will go to Diyarbakýr on
May 3 and try to address people in the Kurdish language. Unfortunately,
lots of bridges have been burnt between Kurds and Turks in Turkey. Ours
is an effort to walk on a small wooden passage. But, small or big,
much needs to be done in that regard.
How have you reacted to the closure case against the pro-Kurdish
Democratic Society Party (DTP)?
Very strongly. We applied for permission to read our message to the
DTP group in Parliament, but at the time visitors were not being
accepted to Parliament.
A recent event at Akdeniz University has been making headlines. Do
you think the man who was allegedly involved in a shooting spree at
the campus was an agent provocateur?
These types of provocations have been tried several times before.
Universities are appropriate for these activities because young
people can get energized and get organized pretty quickly. In the
past such incidents grew out of proportion and led to polarization,
big clashes and, eventually, military coups. But we don't want to
watch the same film over and over again. Look at the actor they used.
He is like a comic figure. He is like a Swiss Army knife. There
is something for everybody in him. He has an Islamic beard;
he has a symbol on his forehead that Alevis use; he is linked to
ultra-nationalists; he is also like a bodyguard. This is all related
to how authoritarian the higher education institutions are in Turkey
and how the country's youth has been perceived.
You see universities as lumber manufacturing plants, if I'm not
mistaken?
Universities are lumber factories. This is the role the regime
finds appropriate for them. You put different sizes of logs onto the
chopping table and cut the standard sizes needed according to the
demands of the country. This type of uniform production creates a
human model that follows orders -- it does not matter whether it's
coming from right or left or center -- without thinking, and this
human is ready to fight when called to duty. There is no creativity,
no pluralism and no freedom of thought at universities. The pictures
we have seen at Akdeniz University campus are not absurd under these
circumstances. And it happens in Antalya, which has a governor who
allegedly has relations with deep-state figures.
So it is not by accident that student clashes happen in Antalya...
Yes, plus the president of the university [Mustafa Akaydýn] has been
elected to head the Inter-university Board [UAK], which is a body that
supports the status quo. He has been known for his fervent opposition
to headscarf-wearing students at universities. Akdeniz University
has a modern campus and lots of security. How armed students could
enter the campus is quite questionable. Apparently, somebody turned
his head and looked the other way.
A few days after Chief Prosecutor Abdurrahman Yalcýnkaya of the
Supreme Court of Appeals asked Turkey's highest court to shut down
the AK Party over its alleged anti-secularism, your group filed
a complaint against him with the Supreme Court of Appeals. Do you
expect to obtain results from this complaint?
In the Þemdinli case, because there was a mention of the top general's
name in the indictment, the prosecutor was disbarred. The reason shown
for his punishment was a supposed technical error he had made in the
indictment. According to the Constitution, the president cannot be
accused of any crime except treason. Yalcýnkaya in his indictment went
against the Constitution and wanted the president banned from politics
[along with some senior party members and the prime minister]. Ours
was a symbolic appeal against this. I don't think we will get any
results out of it because we cannot speak of the rule of law in Turkey.
How do you think law is practiced in Turkey?
In Turkey, law has been seen as a safety valve to protect the status
quo. But law relates to the rights of individuals. The powerful
side is the state, so it is the individual who needs protection for
his rights. In the Turkish system the focus is on the protection of
the state. We saw [coup general and former President] Kenan Evren
confessing this.
Do you refer to his words in promoting the 1982 constitution?
When he was promoting the '82 constitution, he said the 1961
constitution made individuals powerful, so it was time to make the
state powerful again. This is laughable. How can an individual be
more powerful than the state? All powers, including the military and
the judiciary, are in the domain of the state.
Turgay Oður As a response to my request for a brief biography, he
described himself as follows: I am an average citizen of the Turkish
Republic who was born at a hospital in this country; who went to
schools in this country; who loves this country neither more nor
less than anyone else; who does not wear anybody's uniform; who has
no connection with violence; who hates cliches; and who would like
to have a long and healthy life. I studied political science at the
Middle East Technical University (ODTU). I have worked at Parliament,
the Prime Ministry and Sabancý University.I am involved in politics
not to save the world, but because what happens around me bothers
me and my lifestyle. You see, being involved with Young Civilians is
an existential need for me. Aside being involved in nongovernmental
activities, I write regularly for a few publications assuming fictional
identities. I cook well.
--Boundary_(ID_bo8n6vvFg/tkLdf5G8H3Tw)--
Today's Zaman
April 14 2008
Turkey
Turgay Oður, a representative from the Young Civilians -- a Turkish NGO
noted for its use of sarcasm in protests -- says recent developments,
including the ongoing closure case against the ruling party and last
year's "367 criterion," introduced to the presidential election
process with the result that the ballot in Parliament was made
unusually difficult, show that Turkey currently has an oligarchic
power structure.
"The Constitutional Court, as we have found out, has turned out to be
a supervisory body over the Parliament," Oður says in an interview for
Monday Talk. "If the court overturns the legislation on the freedom
to wear the headscarf at universities and if it decides to close down
the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), it will be proven that
this is an absolute monarchy," he says.
The Young Civilians, a group of "private citizens" from diverse
backgrounds, states that it was established to demand change for
more democracy. Rejecting the wearing of the "uniforms of anyone,"
they started as a group of students and began holding protests in
the early years of the new century.
For Monday Talk, Oður explains how the Young Civilians got their name
and why they are "uncomfortable" with the way things are in Turkey.
Your organization came into the limelight with its criticism of the
May 19 Youth and Sports Day celebrations. How did this happen?
We had a gathering at Parliament on May 19 in 2003. We have
long desired to free the youth festivities from the way they are
celebrated in stadiums where young people have not been treated as
individuals, but as part of a planned organization. They have been
seen as objects, not subjects. As we have been trying to give this
message, newspapers wrote several stories about us. We did not even
have a name at the time.
Then came a story in the Cumhuriyet daily about 'young officers,'
right?
Yes, the newspaper wrote that the young officers were uncomfortable
with a few things in the country, including our May 19 campaign.
Later, in 2006, we wrote an unprecedented text about the Kurdish
issue. We titled it "The Young Civilians are Uncomfortable" and it
was highly debated, so whenever we were referred to later on, we were
described as the group that wrote the text of "The Young Civilians
are Uncomfortable."
And you have a pair of sneakers in the logo, as opposed to the military
boots of the young officers...
Yes, we found this symbol on an ad hoc basis. In the Cumhuriyet
article I mentioned, they had military boots displayed next to the
story. We thought of an object contrary to the military boots and
close to the hearts of young civilians and found a pair of sneakers
most appropriate as a symbol.
Your messages have been perceived as very political, yet also quite
democratic. How do you get rid of your prejudice?
We listen to our consciences. Each of us has a background that shapes
us to a degree, but we also have our consciences, which guide us.
That brings us together.
Do you receive any negative reactions at the university -- or outside
-- because of what you do and how you do it?
We have people coming from different backgrounds and we have a
mixed profile. We have ordinary-looking people doing extraordinary
or somewhat unexpected things. This is unusual for many people and
they have difficulty labeling us.
For example?
When it comes to the headscarf issue, our most fervent supporter of
headscarf freedom is a woman who describes herself as an agnostic.
She surprised all of her instructors and students at the Middle East
Technical University (ODTU). So, because of this fact, people have
a delayed reaction and we have many times proven that preliminary
opinions were wrong.
Why would an agnostic defend headscarf freedom?
Actually, there is no need to do this, but it is a requirement of
taking a democratic stand in Turkey. The headscarf is an issue of basic
freedoms. I cannot say, "You're going to be against me if I don't look
like you tomorrow, so I should oppose your headscarf today." I should
not say that because, if you do such a thing tomorrow, I can deal with
it then. I cannot side with those who want to restrict the freedom
to wear a headscarf because I think it would not be ethical. This
would be like a father who beats up his daughter "pre-emptively" so
that she will not do anything "wrong" or anything he doesn't approve
of. This is a pathological approach.
You are a relatively small group, but your activities make it to
the media easily. How do you manage to get organized so easily and
project your messages?
We mainly communicate through e-mail. We use lots of humor. We follow
daily developments in the country. When the talk in the country was
about higher education entrance exams (the Student Selection Exam,
OSS) one week, there was no use in going to the seaside to protest
pollution. At the time, we prepared ironic test questions to help
the distressed students get through trying to pass the exam.
Do you have ambitions to become a bigger organization or do you plan
to be involved in politics in a party format in the future?
We don't think spreading out with lots of branches is a good use of
our time. We focus on production and on our activism. We have events
organized by different members of the group. We have an anarchist
makeup. One of our members has organized a visit to Ýstanbul by
Italian Prosecutor Felice Casson [who discovered the existence of
Operation Gladio, a NATO stay-behind paramilitary force left over
from the Cold War] and another member organized a workshop about
Kurdish culture called "Let's be Kurdish."
When is Felice Casson coming?
He will be speaking at [Ýstanbul] Bilgi University on April 26.
And could you be Kurdish?
We have realized that we don't know as much about Kurdish culture
as we know about, say, Japanese culture, even though Kurds have been
quite Turkish in that sense. We wanted to learn about their cooking,
their language and their songs. We memorized Kurdish songs and we
cooked Kurdish dinners. Basically, we wanted to end our ignorance about
Kurdish ways. At the end of the workshop, we will go to Diyarbakýr on
May 3 and try to address people in the Kurdish language. Unfortunately,
lots of bridges have been burnt between Kurds and Turks in Turkey. Ours
is an effort to walk on a small wooden passage. But, small or big,
much needs to be done in that regard.
How have you reacted to the closure case against the pro-Kurdish
Democratic Society Party (DTP)?
Very strongly. We applied for permission to read our message to the
DTP group in Parliament, but at the time visitors were not being
accepted to Parliament.
A recent event at Akdeniz University has been making headlines. Do
you think the man who was allegedly involved in a shooting spree at
the campus was an agent provocateur?
These types of provocations have been tried several times before.
Universities are appropriate for these activities because young
people can get energized and get organized pretty quickly. In the
past such incidents grew out of proportion and led to polarization,
big clashes and, eventually, military coups. But we don't want to
watch the same film over and over again. Look at the actor they used.
He is like a comic figure. He is like a Swiss Army knife. There
is something for everybody in him. He has an Islamic beard;
he has a symbol on his forehead that Alevis use; he is linked to
ultra-nationalists; he is also like a bodyguard. This is all related
to how authoritarian the higher education institutions are in Turkey
and how the country's youth has been perceived.
You see universities as lumber manufacturing plants, if I'm not
mistaken?
Universities are lumber factories. This is the role the regime
finds appropriate for them. You put different sizes of logs onto the
chopping table and cut the standard sizes needed according to the
demands of the country. This type of uniform production creates a
human model that follows orders -- it does not matter whether it's
coming from right or left or center -- without thinking, and this
human is ready to fight when called to duty. There is no creativity,
no pluralism and no freedom of thought at universities. The pictures
we have seen at Akdeniz University campus are not absurd under these
circumstances. And it happens in Antalya, which has a governor who
allegedly has relations with deep-state figures.
So it is not by accident that student clashes happen in Antalya...
Yes, plus the president of the university [Mustafa Akaydýn] has been
elected to head the Inter-university Board [UAK], which is a body that
supports the status quo. He has been known for his fervent opposition
to headscarf-wearing students at universities. Akdeniz University
has a modern campus and lots of security. How armed students could
enter the campus is quite questionable. Apparently, somebody turned
his head and looked the other way.
A few days after Chief Prosecutor Abdurrahman Yalcýnkaya of the
Supreme Court of Appeals asked Turkey's highest court to shut down
the AK Party over its alleged anti-secularism, your group filed
a complaint against him with the Supreme Court of Appeals. Do you
expect to obtain results from this complaint?
In the Þemdinli case, because there was a mention of the top general's
name in the indictment, the prosecutor was disbarred. The reason shown
for his punishment was a supposed technical error he had made in the
indictment. According to the Constitution, the president cannot be
accused of any crime except treason. Yalcýnkaya in his indictment went
against the Constitution and wanted the president banned from politics
[along with some senior party members and the prime minister]. Ours
was a symbolic appeal against this. I don't think we will get any
results out of it because we cannot speak of the rule of law in Turkey.
How do you think law is practiced in Turkey?
In Turkey, law has been seen as a safety valve to protect the status
quo. But law relates to the rights of individuals. The powerful
side is the state, so it is the individual who needs protection for
his rights. In the Turkish system the focus is on the protection of
the state. We saw [coup general and former President] Kenan Evren
confessing this.
Do you refer to his words in promoting the 1982 constitution?
When he was promoting the '82 constitution, he said the 1961
constitution made individuals powerful, so it was time to make the
state powerful again. This is laughable. How can an individual be
more powerful than the state? All powers, including the military and
the judiciary, are in the domain of the state.
Turgay Oður As a response to my request for a brief biography, he
described himself as follows: I am an average citizen of the Turkish
Republic who was born at a hospital in this country; who went to
schools in this country; who loves this country neither more nor
less than anyone else; who does not wear anybody's uniform; who has
no connection with violence; who hates cliches; and who would like
to have a long and healthy life. I studied political science at the
Middle East Technical University (ODTU). I have worked at Parliament,
the Prime Ministry and Sabancý University.I am involved in politics
not to save the world, but because what happens around me bothers
me and my lifestyle. You see, being involved with Young Civilians is
an existential need for me. Aside being involved in nongovernmental
activities, I write regularly for a few publications assuming fictional
identities. I cook well.
--Boundary_(ID_bo8n6vvFg/tkLdf5G8H3Tw)--