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TBILISI: Ethnic Groups In Georgia #11 - Armenians, Part 2

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  • TBILISI: Ethnic Groups In Georgia #11 - Armenians, Part 2

    ETHNIC GROUPS IN GEORGIA #11 - ARMENIANS, PART 2
    by Tom Trier & George Tarkhan-Mouravi

    Daily Georgian Times
    http://www.geotimes.ge/index.php?m=home& newsid=10377
    April 21 2008
    Georgia

    Today we bring part 2 of the article on the Armenians in the series
    of the wealth of ethnic groups in Georgia. Part 1 was presented
    in last week's issue of the Georgian Times. The materials on the
    ethnic groups are provided by the European Centre for Minority Issues
    (ECMI) and the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS) and are extracted
    from the book, Georgia - An Ethno-Political Handbook by Tom Trier &
    George Tarkhan-Mouravi, Tbilisi 2008. With support from the foreign
    ministries of Switzerland, Norway and Denmark, the book will be
    published by the end of this year in a Georgian and an English edition.

    Language, Education and Cultural Life

    The Armenian language belongs to the Indo-European language family and
    is classified as an independent branch. Its alphabet was allegedly
    invented by (Saint) Mesrop Mashtots in 406 AD. Although there are
    many Armenian dialects, most linguists distinguish between two main
    groups - Eastern Armenian spoken mainly in Armenia, the Caucasus,
    and Iran - and Western Armenian, spoken primarily in Anatolia and
    in the Armenian diaspora everywhere besides Iran and the former
    Soviet Union. The latter derives from 19th century Armenian spoken in
    Istanbul, whereas the former is based on the Armenian spoken in Armenia
    and Iran. There is also Grabar Armenian - the ancient written language,
    which is still used in the liturgy of the Armenian Apostolic Church. In
    Javakheti, the primary language of communication is Armenian, based
    on a west Armenian dialect originally spoken in eastern Anatolia and
    significantly influenced by Turkisms and, therefore, quite different
    from the standard Armenian. Many Armenians in Tbilisi speak Russian as
    their native language, and not Armenian. The better educated strata
    of the communities in Samtskhe-Javakheti also prefer Russian as the
    language of communication in formal situations.

    For centuries, Armenians have played a prominent role in the Georgian
    cultural landscape. Naturally, their presence has been most visible in
    Tbilisi, which has always been the most cosmopolitan and culturally
    diverse city of the South Caucasus. The first Armenian school
    in Georgia - the Nersisyan Gymnasium - was established in Tbilisi
    as early as in 1824. During its century-long history, hundreds of
    prominent Armenian scholars, academicians, scientists and political
    figures received their education there. In the 1860-70's, several
    additional Armenian private gymnasiums and seminaries were opened
    in Tbilisi and the first newspaper in Armenian was published in
    1858. From the mid-19th century until early 20th century, more than
    twenty newspapers and magazines in Armenian were published in Georgia.

    Armenians in the regions, and particularly in Samtskhe-Javakheti,
    have always been more culturally isolated from the centre of cultural
    life found in Tbilisi. Due to a lack of basic knowledge of Georgian
    that has now become a state language, the proximity of Armenia, and
    the status of the region as a closed border zone during the Soviet
    period following World War II, the local population have never felt
    a strong attachment to Georgia, at least as far as participation in
    the common cultural space is concerned. During the Soviet period, the
    region's proximity to Turkey compelled Soviet authorities to completely
    close off Javakheti and parts of Samtskhe, and those who wished to
    enter the border zone could do so only with special permits. Cultural
    features unique to Javakheti developed in isolation and a sense of
    separateness from Georgia is still widespread. Georgia's impact on
    Javakhetian cultural life (and vice versa) has been - and continues
    to be - extremely limited. In many ways, Javakheti is culturally more
    integrated with Armenia than with Georgia. Although a number of famous
    writers and poets have originated from Javakheti, most of them have
    made their careers in Armenia and Javakheti Armenians maintain close
    social and cultural ties with their kin across the border.

    One of the main reasons for the continued isolation today is the lack
    of knowledge of the state language among Javakheti Armenians. The
    interaction between the local population in Javakheti (both the
    Armenian majority and other smaller groups such as Georgians and
    Russians) and the centre is very limited and has grown ever more
    detached as the Russian language has gradually lost its role of a
    regional lingua franca. The vast majority of the Javakheti Armenians do
    not have any command of Georgian, and those who do speak the language
    poorly. In Soviet times, there was little need to study and learn
    Georgian among the Armenian minority, because knowledge of Russian
    served all the purposes of inter-ethnic communication. However,
    once Georgian independence was declared and Georgian instituted as
    the state language, proficiency in Russian was no longer sufficient
    for the demands of life in the new Georgia. The inability to speak
    Georgian has now become an obstacle to the social, economic and
    cultural integration of the Armenian minority.

    Despite the fact that the Georgian constitution prescribes the use
    of the state language for administrative and court proceedings,
    Russian and Armenian remain the de facto administrative languages in
    Javakheti. Although, as of late, the central government has stepped
    up an education reform program aiming at promoting the knowledge of
    the state language among persons belonging to national minorities,
    significant results are yet to be seen. Major problems still persist
    in regard to offering adequate teaching of the Georgian language in
    Javakheti, as there are few teachers in the region, who are qualified
    to teach Georgian. At the same time, the educational reforms in
    this area have caused rather adverse sentiments among Armenians,
    who sometimes view these policies as attempts to undermine their
    cultural and linguistic minority rights.

    Religion

    Frequently dated by historians to 301 AD, Armenians became the
    first people to accept Christianity as a state religion. However,
    Christianity reached Armenia already in the 1st century AD and the
    Armenian Church is considered to be one of the oldest Christian
    churches. The Armenian Apostolic Church is autocephalous and has
    two independent sees: that of the Catholicos of All Armenians at
    Etchmiadzin in Armenia, and of the Holy See of Cilicia in Antelyas,
    Lebanon. There are also two patriarchates: one in Istanbul and another
    in Jerusalem. These are subordinated the primacy of the Catholicos
    of All Armenians in Etchmiadzin. Although the absolute majority of
    Armenians both in Armenia and beyond belong to the Armenian Apostolic
    Church, there are also Armenian Catholics. The Armenian Catholic Church
    has sizeable congregations, especially in Argentina, Australia, USA
    and France. It also has followers in Samtskhe-Javakheti and in more
    recent years in Tbilisi as well.

    Economy and Society

    In the 19th to early 20th centuries, Armenians held the most prominent
    position in the Tbilisi city council and administration. From 1841
    to 1909, the post of city mayor was held almost uninterruptedly by
    Armenians. They also constituted a majority in the city council. While
    naturally contributing to economic development of the city, many
    streets and cultural sites at that time bore Armenian names. However,
    throughout the 20th century, including the Soviet and post-Soviet
    periods, Armenian influence in all spheres steadily waned. The
    short Georgian-Armenian War of December 1918 ignited anti-Armenian
    animosity among Georgians in Tbilisi, and soured relations between the
    Armenian merchant class there and the larger society. Many Armenian
    businessmen left Georgia during the independence period in 1918-21,
    as the Menshevik Government pursued policies of nationalization
    of the property of the bourgeoisie. The following decades, marked
    by the outright rejection of the notion of private property, by and
    large extinguished the commercial prowess of Georgia's Armenians. The
    last years of Soviet rule put Georgian nationalists in the forefront
    and further marginalized minority groups. As a consequence of these
    developments, Armenian commercial life in Tbilisi today is humble and
    inconspicuous. Many are still engaged with petty-trade and low-income
    craftsmanship. For instance, Armenians run most shoe-making shops and
    hair-dressing saloons and many Tbilisi Armenians earn their income
    as taxi drivers.

    Armenians in Samtskhe-Javakheti were economically relatively
    well-off in the Soviet period. Akhalkalaki district was one of the
    most developed agricultural regions of Georgia, particularly in the
    sphere of cattle husbandry, cheese production and potato farming,
    and a number of food-processing factories were also functioning in
    the region. During the Soviet period the region as a border zone
    was administered under a special federal system that facilitated
    the supply of consumer goods and offered higher salaries. After
    the collapse of the USSR, many of the privileges enjoyed by people
    in the region disappeared and the economy steadily deteriorated
    throughout the 1990's. All enterprises ceased to operate and the
    agricultural output dropped dramatically. Another important aspect
    of the Javakheti economy was the Russian military base which has
    been deployed in Georgia ever since the region was annexed by Tsarist
    Russia in the war of 1828-29. After years of dispute over the Russian
    military presence, Russia finally agreed on the closure of the base,
    which finally took place in June 2007. The presence of a large
    number of military facilities and personnel played a key role in
    creating jobs for the local population and in the supply of social
    services. Therefore, a decision of the Georgian parliament in early
    2005 to enforce the closure of the base was met with strong popular
    resistance in Akhalkalaki and two mass demonstrations were organized
    in March 2005. Today, however, the local population seems to have come
    to terms with the fact of the base withdrawal, although the Georgian
    government has yet to develop alternative employment opportunities.
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