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  • How A Tiny Breakaway Province Could Become The New Cold War Frontlin

    HOW A TINY BREAKAWAY PROVINCE COULD BECOME THE NEW COLD WAR FRONTLINE WHILE GEORGIA HOPES TO JOIN NATO, ITS REBEL ABKHAZIA AREA IS BEING WOOED BY RUSSIA
    Luke Harding in Dikhazurga

    The Guardian
    Thursday April 17 2008

    The bridge over the Ingur does not feel like a place at war. There
    is no gunfire, merely the noisy croaking of frogs. Down on the river
    bank, anglers with homemade willow rods dip for trout in the swirling
    turquoise water.

    But this tranquil spot, on what was once a coast of the Soviet Union,
    may be about to become a flashpoint - not just between Georgia and its
    breakaway province of Abkhazia, which fought a war here in 1992-93,
    but between Nato and the Russian Federation.

    Fifteen years after driving out Georgian troops, Abkhazia is on the
    brink of winning recognition from Russia. Yesterday Vladimir Putin
    ordered his officials to strengthen economic ties and provide consular
    support to residents in the separatist republic.

    The president said Russia would recognise legal entities registered in
    Abkhazia and in South Ossetia, another breakaway region. The move stops
    short of recognising Abkhazia's claim to independence, but only just.

    Russia's foreign ministry yesterday insisted it did not want
    confrontation.

    But yesterday's move will enrage Georgia's pro-western and US-backed
    government, which accuses Moscow of attempting to annex its rebel
    regions by stealth. Last night Georgia's foreign minister, David
    Bakradze, said Russia's move amounted to a "legalisation of the
    de facto annexation process". Georgian officials said Tbilisi was
    preparing "an adequate response". In London, the Foreign Office was
    moved to delve into the confrontation, saying the move "would only
    increase tensions in the region".

    Putin's provocative action appears to be a deliberate response to
    Georgia's unsuccessful attempt this month to join Nato. Leaders
    of Nato, meeting in Bucharest, deferred Georgia's and Ukraine's
    application for the alliance's membership action plan, despite strong
    support from the US president, George Bush. But Nato countries agreed
    Georgia would join eventually. And when it does, the alliance's mutual
    defence commitment will include sorting out the problem of Abkhazia,
    a lush micro-republic on the Black Sea's eastern coast that is a
    45-minute drive from Putin's summer residence in the resort of Sochi.

    Abkhazia is a somnolent seaside paradise. In Soviet times, Russian
    workers holidayed there, relaxing in sanatoriums. Stalin visited,
    staying in a private dacha on Abkhazia's vertiginous coast.

    Now, Abkhaz generals talk darkly of another looming conflict. "Yes,
    I think there is going to be a war," said Jansukh Muratiya, head of
    security in the Abkhaz border town of Gal. "How else is Georgia to
    resolve the Abkhaz problem?" According to him, 2,000 Georgian troops
    were last week massing up in the Upper Kodori valley, a mountainous
    gorge blocked for much of the year by snow. Georgia re-occupied the
    disputed valley in 2006, Muratiya said, adding that there were regular
    skirmishes between Abkhaz and Georgian troops.

    Eduard Turnaba, 42, an Abkhaz soldier, said: "They want to be in
    Nato. We are on the brink of recognition. That's why there is tension."

    Turnaba said the situation at the border was dangerous; his brother
    Otar was blown up last year when his military vehicle ran over a
    Georgian mine.

    Georgia, meanwhile, wants to re-establish control over its separatist
    territories but denies it has any military plans. Just before this
    month's Nato summit, Georgia's president, Mikheil Saakashvili,
    offered Abkhazia an autonomy package. Abkhazia's leadership, based
    in the charming riviera town of Sokhumi, said no.

    The international community's job of resolving this row has been made
    more difficult by its recognition of Kosovo, the US-backed ethnic
    Albanian province of Serbia that won independence in February despite
    vehement opposition from Moscow and Belgrade. Abkhazia says its claim
    to independence is the same as Kosovo's. Beslan Baratelia, a professor
    at Abkhazia state university, said: "Abkhazia has better arguments
    than Kosovo. The difference is that Abkhazia is supported by Russia and
    Kosovo by the US. Kosovo is now a precedent for the rest of the world."

    On Tuesday the US and Russia clashed over the issue at the UN
    security council. US ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad said he was deeply
    concerned about Russia's imminent plans to establish missions in
    Abkhazia. Russia decided he was a hypocrite, given the "illegal"
    US recognition of Kosovo.

    Kosovo's independence also gives hope to other breakaway territories
    of the old Soviet Union. As well as Abkhazia and South Ossetia,
    there are the republic of Trans-Dniester in Moldova and the disputed
    district of Nagorno-Karabakh, an Armenian enclave in Azerbaijan.

    About 1,000 Russian peacekeeping troops are in Abkhazia, in accordance
    with a 1994 UN ceasefire. In recent years Russia lifted economic
    sanctions and gave most Abkhazians Russian passports. Last year two
    million Russian tourists visited the territory, attracted by its
    subtropical climate and unspoilt scenery. "We are an unrecognised
    de-facto state," Abkhazia's vice-foreign minister, Maxim Gunjia, said.

    Isolation

    In many respects this is not quite true. Economic isolation has left
    Abkhazia cut off from the outside world. There are no automated cash
    machines for the public; people have to bring in Russian roubles. And
    there is little transport: a single train threads its way along
    a rusted coastal track, past crumbling neo-classical stations and
    palm trees.

    Up the road from the river Ingur is the border village of
    Dikhazurga. Here cows wander among the walnut groves. But many of the
    attractive wisteria-covered villas are roofless, abandoned when their
    owners fled across the river in Georgia's civil war; almost half of
    Abkhazia's population, mostly ethnic Georgians, fled. Tbilisi wants
    the refugees to go back. Some have done so.

    Abkhazia, meanwhile, claims it was itself the victim of migration
    politics when Stalin, a Georgian, settled Georgians here, following
    previous invasions by the Ottomans and Greeks.

    Today residents seem unexercised by the fact that their bucolic
    neighbourhood, with its blossom and bird song, could soon be the
    venue of a new cold war between a resurgent Russia and an expansionist
    west. "We just eat fasol [a bean appetiser], do our work and sleep,"
    said Hwicha Kobalya, a resident, as he walked back across the
    bridge. "We leave the politics to Putin."

    Backstory

    Abkhazia, a tiny separatist republic on the Black Sea's east coast,
    is surrounded by beaches and the Caucasus mountain range. The region
    broke away from Georgia after fighting a war against the country's
    troops in 1992-93.

    The territory now seeks independence from Georgia. So far it has failed
    to win recognition internationally but yesterday it came a step closer
    when Russia said that it would strengthen economic ties and provide
    consular support to Abkhazia's residents. Georgia wants to return
    the rebel region to its control. It also wants Georgian refugees,
    forced to flee Abkhazia during the war, to go home. The area is one
    of several breakaway territories left over from the collapse of the
    Soviet Union. With its mandarin groves and towering eucalyptus trees,
    Abkhazia was a popular holiday destination for Russian workers as well
    as for the Soviet elite. Stalin had a dacha here. Abkhazia now attracts
    about 2 million Russian tourists a year.
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