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ANKARA: Turkey's 'Caucasus Alliance' Proposal: How Likely Is Its Suc

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  • ANKARA: Turkey's 'Caucasus Alliance' Proposal: How Likely Is Its Suc

    TURKEY'S 'CAUCASUS ALLIANCE' PROPOSAL: HOW LIKELY IS ITS SUCCESS? (1)
    By Guner Ozkan

    Today's Zaman
    Aug 19 2008
    Turkey

    Amid desperate EU attempts and increasingly tough words from the US
    to Moscow for an immediate cease-fire and the withdrawal of Russian
    forces in the war between Russia and Georgia, Turkey has suggested
    the establishment of the "Caucasus Alliance."

    Turkey is surely acting in good faith, as it has, with some
    reservations, good economic, political and social relationships with
    both Moscow and Tbilisi; it seeks a durable peace on its doorstep. So
    what does the Turkish proposal include? How likely is its success in
    a region as complex as the Caucasus, and why?

    Goals and means of the 'alliance'

    Though still in the process of creation, after prompt visits to Moscow
    and Tbilisi Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan outlined the
    purpose and content of the Caucasus Alliance. Its main objective is
    to establish permanent peace and security in the region by bringing
    all regional states together in a joint formation. To this end,
    it envisages a structure in which regional states are expected
    once again to reassure each other of respect of state sovereignty,
    restraint from the use and threat of force, the inviolability of
    state borders and non-harmful economic and energy security in their
    common space of the Caucasus. Principles such as state sovereignty,
    inviolability of borders and so on in the formation will take their
    main references from the charter of the Organization for Security and
    Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), of which Russia, Turkey and all other
    Caucasian states are members.

    Erdogan is seeing that the establishment of lasting peace and security
    is the principal aim here, and he believes that this goal can be
    achieved through the increase of economic cooperation among regional
    states. In order to better present this idea, he gave the examples
    of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC), Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum (BTE) and
    Baku-Tbilisi-Kars (BTK) projects as economic ventures contributing
    significantly to regional peace and security. He pointed out the
    necessity to develop more such projects and to expand them in such
    a way that would connect all peoples in the Caucasus.

    Russia and Georgia appear to have accepted the new formation in
    principle, and the foreign ministries of the three states are going to
    work on the details, as Turkey gets ready to offer the plan first to
    Azerbaijan and Armenia and then to the EU for their participation. The
    Turkish side is particularly hopeful that the Caucasus Alliance in
    the offing will resolve the other most important regional security
    issue, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Baku and Yerevan, once
    and for all.

    Interdependence as security solution

    In fact, the proposal Turkey is now presenting is a method that
    has been discussed in international relations security studies for
    years, mainly between liberal and realist security thinkers. Turkey's
    suggestion of an "alliance" for the Caucasus takes its logical base
    from liberal views on security solutions that have developed primarily
    as responses to those of the state-centric realist perspectives in
    interstate relations.

    Of others, neo-liberal institutionalists principally suggest that there
    are various diverse and important actors in domestic and international
    levels, which function outside the strict control of governments.

    Intergovernmental organizations as well as private ones, with their
    diverse agendas, can and do influence governments' decisions, pushing
    them to cooperate among themselves further and thereby allowing states
    to get over a number of inter and intrastate disputes. Basically, the
    liberal school suggests that the presence of complex interdependence
    among societies and states allows multiple channels to open
    between those actors in their trans-governmental and transnational
    relations. This "complex web of linkages" between formal and informal
    actors deals with a myriad of issues in which the military security
    and/or survival of the state prioritized by the realists is not
    supposed to take top priority. Rather, it is assumed that if or when
    states manage to construct a complex interdependence among themselves,
    such as improved trade relations and joint economic projects in a
    particular region, the risk of the use of military force will be,
    to a large extent, avoided.

    Realist perspectives on security, on the other hand, do not share
    much of those liberal views on security. For them, though complex
    interdependence is a source of cooperation and an important method
    for problem solving, or at least decreasing the tension among states,
    the same sources are the scarce commodities for which individuals
    and states often strive for control, paving the way for inter and
    intrastate military conflicts. Indeed, realists argue that states
    always seek to maximize their power in line with their national
    interests in economic, military and security issues and minimize the
    risks in the same matters. Realists see that complex interdependence
    can only work so long as all parties are satisfied, and yet this is
    often impossible to succeed in and hard to sustain. So interdependence
    resembles no more than a fierce competition for power and domination
    over scarce resources. As continuous rivalry over scarce resources
    is a never-ending phenomenon, conflict cannot always be avoided. In
    this never-ending state of rivalry, intergovernmental organizations,
    for the realists, are no more than instruments in the hands of states
    to promote their national/security interests.

    *Assistant Professor Guner Ozkan is a Caucasus expert at the
    Ankara-based International Strategic Research Organization (ISRO-USAK)
    and a lecturer at Mugla University.
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