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TURKEY'S POWERPLAY: BRIDGING THE WEST AND THE MIDDLE EAST
Washington Post
http://newsweek.washingtonpost.com/postglobal /needtoknow/2008/12/turkeys_powerplay_bridging_eur .html
Dec 1 2008
One of the most dramatic celebrations of Barack Obama's election as
president took place neither in Obama's ancestral village Nyangoma
Kogelo, Kenya nor in Chicago, Illinois but in the Turkish village of
Cavustepe near the Turkish-Iranian border. The villagers sacrificed
44 sheep in honor of Mr. Obama as the 44th president of the United
States. One villager said Obama represents hope not for only for
Americans but for all people around the world. He was giving voice
to a sentiment shared by millions outside the US.
One of the most dramatic celebrations of Barack Obama's election as
president took place neither in Obama's ancestral village Nyangoma
Kogelo, Kenya nor in Chicago, Illinois but in the Turkish village of
Cavustepe near the Turkish-Iranian border. The villagers sacrificed
44 sheep in honor of Mr. Obama as the 44th president of the United
States. One villager said Obama represents hope not for only for
Americans but for all people around the world. He was giving voice
to a sentiment shared by millions outside the US.
Such an enthusiastic interest in global politics is a rare scene
in any Turkish village. Compared to the global political adventures
of the Ottoman Empire, the modern Turkish Republic has followed the
consistent policy line of a small nation-state caught between tradition
and modernity, between Europe and the Muslim world, and between an
imperial past and a secular-nationalist present. The geo-political
realities of Turkey's environment today, however, induce it to a new
activism in the most volatile region of the world.
When the Cold War ended, Turkish policy circles were concerned that
Turkey's strategic importance for the Western bloc would diminish. The
international politics dynamics of the post-Cold War era proved to be
the opposite. From the independence of the Turkic Republics of Central
Asia to the first Gulf War, Turkey as a NATO member maintained and even
increased its strategic value. With the American misadventures in the
Middle East and Central Asia after 9/11, Turkey has found itself again
in the middle of global power plays, regional rivalries and domestic
concerns for stability. Renewing its bid to join the European Union,
Turkey is willing to take risks in its region in a way that we haven't
seen in a long time.
Turkey is seeking to optimize its policy options with neighboring
countries on the one hand and the big power players on the
other. Acting with a mix of cautious idealism and shrewd pragmatism,
Turkey is diversifying its foreign policy and becoming more active in
regional issues. Border security and integrity, energy dependence on
Russia and Iran, the future course of events in Iraq and Afghanistan
force it to invest more in the Middle East. Other immediate concerns
include Iran's nuclear ambitions, Syria's gradual acceptance into
the political process, the Palestine issue and relations with Israel.
Currently, Turkey is facilitating Syrian-Israeli talks, which were
initially opposed fiercely by some Washingtonians, and waiting
for an opportunity to take a part in the Israeli-Palestinian
negotiations. Before coming to the recent G-20 meeting, The Turkish
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan offered to facilitate talks between
Iran and the US - his first open message to President-elect Barack
Obama. Turkey made similar gestures towards Russia in its ill-advised
adventure in the south Caucasus. There might be a breakthrough in the
Turkish-Armenian relations after the visit of President Abdullah Gul
to Yerevan back in September. More is coming: Turkey is opening ten
new embassies in Africa to raise its profile in the continent.
Much of the current foreign policy is dictated by geo-political and
economic imperatives, not by the so-called Islamic credentials
or Islamist agenda of the AK Party. Turkey is capitalizing
on opportunities presented by a globalized world of multiple and
shifting centers of power. In all of these engagements, Turkey seems
to be trying to balance its position as a traditional ally of the
West with its rising profile in the Middle East, Caucasus and Africa
While. Turkey's bid for full membership in the EU is partly tuned to
overcoming the military-bureaucratic establishment of the Turkish
state rather than charting a new foreign policy. Yet the domestic
impetus provided by the EU process increases AK Party Government's
capacity to take risks beyond the traditional nation-state borders
of the Turkish Republic. The EU process, fully energized until a few
years ago, has stalled because of the deadlock over Cyprus and the
"membership fatigue" of the ruling AK Party. Nevertheless, Turkey
is structurally and economically moving closer to the status of an
EU country. With a young and dynamic population of 70 million and
a relatively strong economy (the 17th largest in the world and the
6th in Europe), Turkey is poised to assert itself as a new player in
the region. A sign of this is Turkey's recent election into the UN
Security Council as a non-permanent member, a position Turkey held
more than fifty years ago.
As the Obama administration takes over, this new Turkish profile
is to be taken seriously. From Iraq, Afghanistan and the Middle
East peace process to energy security and international terrorism,
Turkish-American relations are only to gain further significance in
the years to come. Turkey's increasing profile in its region could
prove vital to diffuse tensions between the West and the Muslim world
and the US-Islamic world relations in particular. But this requires
one essential rule of engagement: listening attentively and giving
more breathing space to the key players in the region.
Dr. Ibrahim Kalin is an Assistant Professor at the Prince Alwaleed
Center for Christian-Muslim Understanding at Georgetown University's
Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service. Dr. Kalin has published
widely on Islamic philosophy and the relations between Islam and
the West.
Washington Post
http://newsweek.washingtonpost.com/postglobal /needtoknow/2008/12/turkeys_powerplay_bridging_eur .html
Dec 1 2008
One of the most dramatic celebrations of Barack Obama's election as
president took place neither in Obama's ancestral village Nyangoma
Kogelo, Kenya nor in Chicago, Illinois but in the Turkish village of
Cavustepe near the Turkish-Iranian border. The villagers sacrificed
44 sheep in honor of Mr. Obama as the 44th president of the United
States. One villager said Obama represents hope not for only for
Americans but for all people around the world. He was giving voice
to a sentiment shared by millions outside the US.
One of the most dramatic celebrations of Barack Obama's election as
president took place neither in Obama's ancestral village Nyangoma
Kogelo, Kenya nor in Chicago, Illinois but in the Turkish village of
Cavustepe near the Turkish-Iranian border. The villagers sacrificed
44 sheep in honor of Mr. Obama as the 44th president of the United
States. One villager said Obama represents hope not for only for
Americans but for all people around the world. He was giving voice
to a sentiment shared by millions outside the US.
Such an enthusiastic interest in global politics is a rare scene
in any Turkish village. Compared to the global political adventures
of the Ottoman Empire, the modern Turkish Republic has followed the
consistent policy line of a small nation-state caught between tradition
and modernity, between Europe and the Muslim world, and between an
imperial past and a secular-nationalist present. The geo-political
realities of Turkey's environment today, however, induce it to a new
activism in the most volatile region of the world.
When the Cold War ended, Turkish policy circles were concerned that
Turkey's strategic importance for the Western bloc would diminish. The
international politics dynamics of the post-Cold War era proved to be
the opposite. From the independence of the Turkic Republics of Central
Asia to the first Gulf War, Turkey as a NATO member maintained and even
increased its strategic value. With the American misadventures in the
Middle East and Central Asia after 9/11, Turkey has found itself again
in the middle of global power plays, regional rivalries and domestic
concerns for stability. Renewing its bid to join the European Union,
Turkey is willing to take risks in its region in a way that we haven't
seen in a long time.
Turkey is seeking to optimize its policy options with neighboring
countries on the one hand and the big power players on the
other. Acting with a mix of cautious idealism and shrewd pragmatism,
Turkey is diversifying its foreign policy and becoming more active in
regional issues. Border security and integrity, energy dependence on
Russia and Iran, the future course of events in Iraq and Afghanistan
force it to invest more in the Middle East. Other immediate concerns
include Iran's nuclear ambitions, Syria's gradual acceptance into
the political process, the Palestine issue and relations with Israel.
Currently, Turkey is facilitating Syrian-Israeli talks, which were
initially opposed fiercely by some Washingtonians, and waiting
for an opportunity to take a part in the Israeli-Palestinian
negotiations. Before coming to the recent G-20 meeting, The Turkish
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan offered to facilitate talks between
Iran and the US - his first open message to President-elect Barack
Obama. Turkey made similar gestures towards Russia in its ill-advised
adventure in the south Caucasus. There might be a breakthrough in the
Turkish-Armenian relations after the visit of President Abdullah Gul
to Yerevan back in September. More is coming: Turkey is opening ten
new embassies in Africa to raise its profile in the continent.
Much of the current foreign policy is dictated by geo-political and
economic imperatives, not by the so-called Islamic credentials
or Islamist agenda of the AK Party. Turkey is capitalizing
on opportunities presented by a globalized world of multiple and
shifting centers of power. In all of these engagements, Turkey seems
to be trying to balance its position as a traditional ally of the
West with its rising profile in the Middle East, Caucasus and Africa
While. Turkey's bid for full membership in the EU is partly tuned to
overcoming the military-bureaucratic establishment of the Turkish
state rather than charting a new foreign policy. Yet the domestic
impetus provided by the EU process increases AK Party Government's
capacity to take risks beyond the traditional nation-state borders
of the Turkish Republic. The EU process, fully energized until a few
years ago, has stalled because of the deadlock over Cyprus and the
"membership fatigue" of the ruling AK Party. Nevertheless, Turkey
is structurally and economically moving closer to the status of an
EU country. With a young and dynamic population of 70 million and
a relatively strong economy (the 17th largest in the world and the
6th in Europe), Turkey is poised to assert itself as a new player in
the region. A sign of this is Turkey's recent election into the UN
Security Council as a non-permanent member, a position Turkey held
more than fifty years ago.
As the Obama administration takes over, this new Turkish profile
is to be taken seriously. From Iraq, Afghanistan and the Middle
East peace process to energy security and international terrorism,
Turkish-American relations are only to gain further significance in
the years to come. Turkey's increasing profile in its region could
prove vital to diffuse tensions between the West and the Muslim world
and the US-Islamic world relations in particular. But this requires
one essential rule of engagement: listening attentively and giving
more breathing space to the key players in the region.
Dr. Ibrahim Kalin is an Assistant Professor at the Prince Alwaleed
Center for Christian-Muslim Understanding at Georgetown University's
Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service. Dr. Kalin has published
widely on Islamic philosophy and the relations between Islam and
the West.