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  • The President and the Those with Him

    Kommersant, Russia
    Feb. 22, 2008



    The President and the Those with Him

    // Vladimir Putin hands the CIS heads over to his successor

    At the Novo-Ogarevo presidential residence outside Moscow today, an
    informal summit of the heads of the CIS member states will take place
    today. This meeting, which will be Russian President Vladimir Putin's
    last meeting with the leaders as Russian president, is being attended
    by all the CIS leaders. Kommersant has learned that Putin intends to
    mobilize his neighbors to fight the West over Kosovar independence
    and to acquaint them better with one of the candidates for president.
    That candidate is Dmitry Medvedev.
    Pre-Election Introduction

    None of the 11 presidents of the CIS member states has skipped
    today's summit. The main pro-Western revolutionaries Ukrainian
    President Viktor Yushchenko and Georgian President Mikheil
    Saakashvili accepted the invitation. Turkmen President Kurbanguly
    Berdymukhammedov also came, although his predecessor Saparmurat
    Niyazov rarely appeared at those events. Even Armenian President
    Robert Kocharyan came, though recent events in his country would have
    served as ample excuse to miss the meeting.

    The rare 100-percent attendance is due to the fact that it is Putin's
    last summit as Russian president. Therefore, he is making the best of
    the time he has remaining. Kommersant has learned that First Deputy
    Prime Minister and presidential candidate Dmitry Medvedev will take
    part in the summit at Putin's initiative.

    `Dmitry Anatolyevich will take part in the events of the informal CIS
    summit,' Medvedev's secretary confirmed, `Although it has not yet
    been decided which leaders he will meet with and whether he will
    deliver a report.'

    It is noteworthy that the first deputy prime minister has not taken
    part in meetings with CIS leaders before. If any of the leaders were
    unable to attend a CIS summit, the prime minister almost always
    replaced him. In recent months, Putin has been steadily bringing
    Medvedev, who is well informed on social issues, up to speed on
    international affairs. The first deputy prime minister accompanied
    his boss on a visit to Bulgaria and took part in negotiations with
    several heads of state who visited Moscow. Now, nine days before the
    presidential election, it was decided to introduce candidate Medvedev
    to all the leaders of the CIS.

    The Commonwealth has been used by Russia to advance likely
    presidential candidates before. In January 2000, on the eve of
    presidential elections, acting Russian president Vladimir Putin was
    elected head of the council of heads of state of the CIS, even though
    the post was scheduled by alphabetical rotation to go to Tajik
    President Emomali Rakhmon. Rakhmon declined the honor, saying that
    the chairman of the council should be the leader of the country that
    `is pivotal in the Commonwealth.' A short time later, Putin
    successfully rid himself of the `acting' moniker.

    Independence on Kosovo

    Putin plans not only to introduce Medvedev to his colleagues, but to
    show him how to solve important foreign-policy problems at the same
    time. In particular, as a source in the Security Council told
    Kommersant, the Russian president intends to hold a serious
    discussion with his colleagues on the development of a firm, negative
    position on the independence of Kosovo. `We will try to convince our
    colleagues to come out against the recognition of Kosovo in a unified
    front,' the source on Staraya Square said. `It is a delicate topic.
    Although the majority of them understand the harm in such an approach
    to the solution of regional conflicts. Iyo is a blow beneath the belt
    to international law.'

    Most of the Russian president's guests will not need to be asked
    specially to criticize the solution to the Kosovo problem. Azeri and
    Belarusian authorities have already said that they will not recognize
    the territory's independence. Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan
    have made similar statements. Ukraine, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan
    remain silent. Authorities there have made it clear that they are
    still determining their positions. Armenia is also holding off,
    although there is talk there of recognizing Kosovo and then Karabakh.

    Georgia and Moldova, which have their own frozen conflicts, are
    strongly opposed to Kosovar independence. Moldovan authorities are
    especially vocal in their opposition. Chisinau issued an official
    statement this week in which it called the Kosovo precedent `a factor
    in the destabilization of Europe' and `a dangerous stimulus for
    separatist movements in other conflict zones.' The Moldovan
    parliament plans to make a statement on Kosovo as well. Moldovan
    President Vladimir Voronin stated that his country `will never
    recognize the independence of Kosovo.' The prospect of a settlement
    to the Transdniestrian conflict in the near future is stimulating the
    harshness of the Moldovan position. Moscow and Chisinau are now
    working in a conciliated document on a final resolution of the
    Transdniestrian conflict based on the principle of Moldovan
    territorial integrity. Participants the negotiations with the
    Moldovans tell Kommersant that the issue to reuniting the republic
    may be settled in the near future. Chisinau, in the meantime, is
    playing along with Moscow in everything. The Moldovans' exemplary
    behavior has already earned them a promise not to link Kosovo's
    independence to the settlement in Transdniestria. `The topics and
    tonality of the conversations [on Transdniestria] have not changed at
    all,' said Putin's aide Sergey Prikhodko, commenting on yesterday's
    talks between the Russian and Moldovan presidents.

    Too Bad about Georgia

    For Tbilisi, which is seeking to return Abkhazia and South Ossetia to
    its control, the prospects are not as rosy as for Chisinau. Russia
    stated already that Kosovar independence would be a decisive factor
    in the conflicts in Georgia. As soon as it happened, Moscow gave
    Abkhazian and South Ossetian leaders Sergey Bagapsh and Eduard
    Kokoity the opportunity to make loud declarations of their desire to
    separate from Georgia for good. This week, the presidents of the two
    unrecognized republics voiced their sentiments at a joint press
    conference in Moscow. Unsurprisingly, Georgian authorities are
    seriously concerned that Russia will initiate the recognition of the
    breakaway republics.

    Since his reelection, Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili has been
    seeking a way to normalize relations with Moscow. The first
    acknowledged negotiations took place between him and Russian Foreign
    Minister Sergey Lavrov during his inauguration in January.
    Saakashvili suggested then that Russian-Georgian relations be
    restarted with a blank slate and the recent conflicts be forgotten.
    After that, the rhetoric of the Georgian leadership underwent a
    radical shift. Tbilisi has begun to speak of the irreversibility of
    cooperation with Moscow, the need to ease the visa procedure, the
    removal of the embargo on wine and unblocking transport lines.
    Yesterday, the Georgian president was able to speak directly with
    Putin about those topics and they will return to them today.

    Moscow does not especially believe in the Georgian president's
    conciliatory intentions. `Now the fate of Abkhazia and South Ossetia
    depend on Saakashvili's behavior,' observed the source on Staraya
    Square.

    The Russian Foreign Ministry has a similar outlook. `There is a set
    of specific steps with which Georgia must confirm its readiness to
    smooth out relations with us,' head of the department for CIS
    countries at the ministry Andrey Kelin told Kommersant yesterday.
    Among Moscow's conditions are the removal of all of Georgia's
    objections in the WTO, the opening of a Russian school in Tbilisi
    and, most importantly, a legislative decision on the impermissibility
    of foreign military bases on Georgian soil. `We removed our bases
    with that promise, which has not been kept yet. In the context of
    Georgia's intentions to join NATO, it is extremely important for us
    that Georgia pass a law preventing the dislocation of foreign
    forces,' said Kelin. If Tbilisi does not show the obsequiousness
    Moscow is demanding, Russia can always take more decisive action on
    Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
    Vladimir Solovyev
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