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Zaman Online, Turkey
July 10 2008
Democratic rights and ornamental plants of Turkey
by
BEJAN MATUR*
A friend of mine told me that a Greek friend of his, who is now living
in Greece, responded to those who, in reference to the Greeks in
Ä°stanbul, said: "You are the beauty of this country.
You are the ornaments of this land," by saying: "Why? Are we
ornamental plants? Would you have respect for us if we had been
cactus?"
I hold that giving up a view of communities with different languages
and cultures as ornamental plants is the fundamental condition for a
healthy democracy in Turkey. We will be fulfilling the requirements of
coexistence when we regard all flowers as part of the flora of this
country, without distinguishing between cactus and thistle, and when
we become convinced that even citizens who are not nice, sweet,
favorable or friendly have rights.
Last week, an answer was sought at the Abant Platform in which the
Kurdish issue was discussed with a focus on the question "How is
coexistence possible with differences?" The point that attracted my
attention most throughout the sessions was that some of the
participants who took action to pursue a common future together
adopted a stance that put emphasis on similarities alone and neglected
differences. I am saying that there were no participants at the
meeting who emphasized differences without demonstrating any personal
complexes and who sought to lay the foundation for
coexistence. However, a dream of Turkey where we all see each other as
equal individuals and we are not afraid of our differences may lead us
to give more meaningful answers to the question of how coexistence is
made possible.
Bolu Governor İsmail Hakkı Akpınar used an anecdote in the opening
address of the meeting in which he touched upon his childhood
memories. "I vied with a gypsy friend of mine who was known as Abdal
to become class captain. He won. We, the Kurds, Turks, Alevis and
Sunnis, were living together in peace and happiness," he said. This
situation was certainly impressive. But one cannot help but ask why
the skills and abilities of this Abdal, who was clearly able to govern
the class, were limited to the primary school years. What is the
likelihood of this Abdal becoming a governor or another high-level
administrator? Why is a Turkey where the Greek, the Kurd and the
Armenian are able to become military officers or governors without
giving up their Greek, Armenian or Kurdish identity still a chimera?
Is it possible to overlook the fact that the famous cliché "The Kurds
can even become ministers in this country" (Isn't the entire tangle
found in the expression itself?) became a reality only after great
challenges and difficulties?
I can tell that the Kurds feel this very deeply. Actually, the Kurdish
question, which has become the subject matter of grandiose theorems
and projects, is based on a very humane and innocent demand for
existence. We all know the point that the tension starting with the
call of the Kurds: "I exist. Appreciate my existence. Recognize my
rights," has reached. The reason for the bloody encounter between the
Kurds and the Turks is the clashes based on these feelings of
existence and non-existence. In other words, Kurds in Turkey do not
completely feel as if they exist in this country.
Equality and honor
Is the problem more about the pain that has been experienced than the
feeling held by people who became alienated because of the accumulated
fears and failures? The fears, which have greater and more destructive
impacts than the pain, have been generated in the region as part of a
method. What the Kurds need most at the present time is to feel that
they are equal and honorable individuals and citizens. Nobody should
have to deal with the burden associated with being a second-class
citizen. For this reason I strongly believe that the efforts such as
the Abant Platform should be multiplied.
These attempts offer meaningful opportunities to promote an awareness
of rights among the people. They teach us that it is a natural right
to lead a life in this country without being an "ornamental plant"
because the language we have used so far to talk about and discuss our
problems embodies a hierarchy, even though we are not aware of it. If
we would like this hierarchy not to be recreated, we have to open
alternative paths that had previously been blocked by excessive
ideology and excessive emotionality. We have to accept that what we
call Kurds and Turks are not homogenous facts and to ask without fear
"Which Kurds, which Turks?" For instance, we may start with the fact
that it is not the Turks but the state which should respond to the
Kurdish demands for rights. This is the only way to achieve the
awareness that will eliminate the hierarchy.
It is also necessary to underline a very important fact pointed out at
the Abant meeting. Despite all theories and suggestions, we still lack
the required scientific data to discuss the Kurdish issue. The
statistical data on the predominantly Kurdish regions are
insufficient. Even the figures on the Southeastern Anatolia Project
(GAP) explained by the Diyarbakır Chamber of Commerce at the meeting
were quite different from the figures that we thought we already
knew. This sort of concrete and key information is very important
because only in this way can we explain that the data alleging that
the people in the region are a burden on the people living in the west
of Turkey are actually inaccurate. It will become possible to view the
humane side of this giant problem, which is discussed mostly in the
abstract, only if we rely on true reflections of concrete data.
We must strip off the nationalism that serves to widen the gap and
dispel myths that feed off of one another. Viewing the human as the
focal point of the pain and the realities of this human is possible
through accurate use of a language by which these stories are
narrated, because the language of pain, mercy and conscience is the
sphere of reality. And, unlike common perceptions, this is not an
apolitical approach. What will change one's views on the issues and
transform this person is his or her conviction that a human exists
there. The power of a person who is able to see the human as the focal
point of pain or trauma and sets no barrier before himself or herself
cannot be compared to any other power. If we are to fear, we should be
fearful of this power. The power of a human who recognizes the rights
of others connected to their very existence is enough not only to
correct the malfunctions in a democracy but also to change the entire
world.
*Bejan Matur is a poet.
July 10 2008
Democratic rights and ornamental plants of Turkey
by
BEJAN MATUR*
A friend of mine told me that a Greek friend of his, who is now living
in Greece, responded to those who, in reference to the Greeks in
Ä°stanbul, said: "You are the beauty of this country.
You are the ornaments of this land," by saying: "Why? Are we
ornamental plants? Would you have respect for us if we had been
cactus?"
I hold that giving up a view of communities with different languages
and cultures as ornamental plants is the fundamental condition for a
healthy democracy in Turkey. We will be fulfilling the requirements of
coexistence when we regard all flowers as part of the flora of this
country, without distinguishing between cactus and thistle, and when
we become convinced that even citizens who are not nice, sweet,
favorable or friendly have rights.
Last week, an answer was sought at the Abant Platform in which the
Kurdish issue was discussed with a focus on the question "How is
coexistence possible with differences?" The point that attracted my
attention most throughout the sessions was that some of the
participants who took action to pursue a common future together
adopted a stance that put emphasis on similarities alone and neglected
differences. I am saying that there were no participants at the
meeting who emphasized differences without demonstrating any personal
complexes and who sought to lay the foundation for
coexistence. However, a dream of Turkey where we all see each other as
equal individuals and we are not afraid of our differences may lead us
to give more meaningful answers to the question of how coexistence is
made possible.
Bolu Governor İsmail Hakkı Akpınar used an anecdote in the opening
address of the meeting in which he touched upon his childhood
memories. "I vied with a gypsy friend of mine who was known as Abdal
to become class captain. He won. We, the Kurds, Turks, Alevis and
Sunnis, were living together in peace and happiness," he said. This
situation was certainly impressive. But one cannot help but ask why
the skills and abilities of this Abdal, who was clearly able to govern
the class, were limited to the primary school years. What is the
likelihood of this Abdal becoming a governor or another high-level
administrator? Why is a Turkey where the Greek, the Kurd and the
Armenian are able to become military officers or governors without
giving up their Greek, Armenian or Kurdish identity still a chimera?
Is it possible to overlook the fact that the famous cliché "The Kurds
can even become ministers in this country" (Isn't the entire tangle
found in the expression itself?) became a reality only after great
challenges and difficulties?
I can tell that the Kurds feel this very deeply. Actually, the Kurdish
question, which has become the subject matter of grandiose theorems
and projects, is based on a very humane and innocent demand for
existence. We all know the point that the tension starting with the
call of the Kurds: "I exist. Appreciate my existence. Recognize my
rights," has reached. The reason for the bloody encounter between the
Kurds and the Turks is the clashes based on these feelings of
existence and non-existence. In other words, Kurds in Turkey do not
completely feel as if they exist in this country.
Equality and honor
Is the problem more about the pain that has been experienced than the
feeling held by people who became alienated because of the accumulated
fears and failures? The fears, which have greater and more destructive
impacts than the pain, have been generated in the region as part of a
method. What the Kurds need most at the present time is to feel that
they are equal and honorable individuals and citizens. Nobody should
have to deal with the burden associated with being a second-class
citizen. For this reason I strongly believe that the efforts such as
the Abant Platform should be multiplied.
These attempts offer meaningful opportunities to promote an awareness
of rights among the people. They teach us that it is a natural right
to lead a life in this country without being an "ornamental plant"
because the language we have used so far to talk about and discuss our
problems embodies a hierarchy, even though we are not aware of it. If
we would like this hierarchy not to be recreated, we have to open
alternative paths that had previously been blocked by excessive
ideology and excessive emotionality. We have to accept that what we
call Kurds and Turks are not homogenous facts and to ask without fear
"Which Kurds, which Turks?" For instance, we may start with the fact
that it is not the Turks but the state which should respond to the
Kurdish demands for rights. This is the only way to achieve the
awareness that will eliminate the hierarchy.
It is also necessary to underline a very important fact pointed out at
the Abant meeting. Despite all theories and suggestions, we still lack
the required scientific data to discuss the Kurdish issue. The
statistical data on the predominantly Kurdish regions are
insufficient. Even the figures on the Southeastern Anatolia Project
(GAP) explained by the Diyarbakır Chamber of Commerce at the meeting
were quite different from the figures that we thought we already
knew. This sort of concrete and key information is very important
because only in this way can we explain that the data alleging that
the people in the region are a burden on the people living in the west
of Turkey are actually inaccurate. It will become possible to view the
humane side of this giant problem, which is discussed mostly in the
abstract, only if we rely on true reflections of concrete data.
We must strip off the nationalism that serves to widen the gap and
dispel myths that feed off of one another. Viewing the human as the
focal point of the pain and the realities of this human is possible
through accurate use of a language by which these stories are
narrated, because the language of pain, mercy and conscience is the
sphere of reality. And, unlike common perceptions, this is not an
apolitical approach. What will change one's views on the issues and
transform this person is his or her conviction that a human exists
there. The power of a person who is able to see the human as the focal
point of pain or trauma and sets no barrier before himself or herself
cannot be compared to any other power. If we are to fear, we should be
fearful of this power. The power of a human who recognizes the rights
of others connected to their very existence is enough not only to
correct the malfunctions in a democracy but also to change the entire
world.
*Bejan Matur is a poet.