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Armenia's Bloody Saturday Shatters Election Deadlock

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  • Armenia's Bloody Saturday Shatters Election Deadlock

    ARMENIA'S BLOODY SATURDAY SHATTERS ELECTION DEADLOCK
    Richard Weitz

    World Politics Review
    March 5 2008

    On March 1, the conflict over the disputed outcome of last month's
    presidential elections in Armenia turned deadly when riot police and
    Interior Ministry troops clashed with armed opposition demonstrators
    in the capital city. Dozens of people were killed or injured in
    downtown Yerevan, where tens of thousands of Armenians had engaged
    in round-the-clock street protests and established a makeshift tent
    camp. The incident apparently started with a police tracer bullet
    accidentally ricocheted and killed a demonstrator, enraging the
    protesters to attack the police.

    The government responded to the melee by declaring a state of
    emergency in the capital and mobilizing the army to end the mass
    rallies that had characterized Yerevan since the losing candidates
    accused President Robert Kocharian of manipulating the results of
    the Feb. 19 election. They claimed that Kocharian, prevented by the
    constitution from running for a third term, resorted to buying votes,
    rigging ballots, and using government resources, such as the state-run
    media, to support the campaign of his preferred candidate, incumbent
    Prime Minister Serge Sarkisian.

    Armenia's central electoral commission declared that Sarkisian won
    the election outright in the first round with 53 percent of the
    vote, with former Armenian President Levon Ter-Petrosian, the main
    opposition candidate, receiving only 21.5 percent. Former speaker
    of the parliament, Artur Baghdasarian, obtained 17.7 percent of the
    eligible votes.

    Opposition leaders cited evidence of fraud and demanded annulment
    of the Feb. 19 results and the holding of another ballot. Since the
    elections, crowds of demonstrators had assembled in Freedom Square,
    frequently shouting the slogan "Fight, fight to the end."

    Ter-Petrosian appeared at several of the protest rallies and, at the
    end of February, filed a formal complaint with Armenia's constitutional
    court to overturn the declared results. Several senior government
    officials, since dismissed, have broken with Kocharian and backed
    Ter-Petrosian's claim of fraud.

    On Feb. 29, however, Sarkisian secured the support of third-place
    finisher Baghdasarian, who agreed to become Security Council secretary
    in the next government, thereby bolstering its legitimacy.

    The Council is the president's main advisory body; its leader is
    considered the third or fourth highest-ranking official in the country.

    Kocharian charged some protesters with attempting to launch a
    coup d'etat. The president began his declaration of an emergency by
    announcing that "the self-nominated candidate Levon Ter-Petrosian who
    lost in the 2008 presidential election in the Republic of Armenia,
    and a group of adventure-seekers surrounding him, without acknowledging
    the reality of their defeat, took to illegal actions" by accumulating
    and transporting weapons and holding public marches without notifying
    the authorities.

    The state of emergency, issued by Kocharian and subsequently approved
    by the National Assembly, will remain in force until March 20. It
    suspends several constitutional guarantees, such as the right to strike
    and engage in public demonstrations, and imposes censorship, requiring
    the local media to report only government-provided information. The
    decree also endows the internal security forces with enhanced powers
    to control the movement of people and vehicles.

    Finally, it temporarily suspends activities of political parties and
    other nongovernmental organizations.

    "If participants in the disorder fire at police, I have no choice
    but to resort to the army's help," Kocharian explained in televised
    remarks following the clash. "And I am obliged to safeguard the safety
    of our citizens." Opposition leaders claim that government provocateurs
    placed firearms and other weapons near sleeping demonstrators in order
    to justify suppressing the peaceful demonstrations. General Seyran
    Ohanyan, the chief of the Armenian military staff, warned that the
    military would respond to any mass gatherings during this period with
    "very strong counteractions from Armenia's military forces."

    Saying he hoped to limit further violence, Ter-Petrosian, then briefly
    under house arrest, called on the demonstrators to end public protests
    for the duration of the state of emergency. Most people appear to
    have heeded his appeal, as well as government threats, to stay at
    home, but scattered looting was reported. The New York Times noted the
    incongruity of the strong support for Ter-Petroisian among the looters:
    "'I'm fighting for honesty,' said a man in his 50s, holding a stolen
    beer in one hand and a lemon in the other."

    International observers offered varying assessments of the elections.

    The 333 monitors from the Organization for Security and Cooperation
    in Europe (OSCE) found many local irregularities, especially in the
    vote counting, but concluded that the process was "mostly" fair and
    an improvement over earlier ballot. Some world leaders, most notably
    Russian President Vladimir Putin, have congratulated Sarkisian on
    winning the election.

    Most Western governments have withheld formal endorsement, simply
    congratulating the Armenian people for holding the election. For
    example, U.S. State Department spokesperson Tom Casey issued a
    statement saying, "We congratulate the people of Armenia on the active
    and competitive presidential election," but added that "we also note
    that international monitors identified significant problems with
    electoral procedures." The department called on the authorities to
    rectify these flaws by holding recounts and taking steps to ensure
    future ballots are conducted better. "We also urge all political
    forces to continue observing the rule of law and to work peacefully
    and responsively for a democratic Armenia."

    The events in Armenia eerily resemble recent developments in Georgia.

    In early January 2008, Mikheil Saakashvili won a first-round victory in
    the country's presidential election, garnering 53 percent of the vote,
    while the second-place finisher received 27 percent. As in Armenia,
    international electoral observers certified the results despite
    criticizing instances of intimidation of opposition candidates,
    procedural shortcomings in ballot counting, and an unwarranted boost
    to the incumbent from his activities as head of state.

    The previous November, Saakashvili had imposed a state of emergency
    that suspended operations of the main opposition Imedi TV station
    and ordering the police to use force to end the mass rallies that
    had paralyzed downtown Tbilisi for a week. The protesters, hundreds
    of whom were injured in the police crackdown, claimed they were
    trying to defend Georgia's democratic system of government against
    Saakashvili's attempts to acquire dictatorial powers. The president
    accused the demonstrators of seeking to overthrow the government,
    but international human rights groups and some foreign governments
    criticized Saakashvili's move.

    Somewhat ironically, a similar mass protest in 1998 compelled
    Ter-Petrosian, whose reelection in 1996 was also tainted by charges
    of irregularities, to resign as the country's first freely elected
    president since Armenia regained independence in 1991. Critics recall
    his presidency as being marked by the repression of opposition parties
    and the death of at least one party activist held in police custody.

    Ter-Petrosian has referred to the protests as a "democratic
    revolution." Yet, his questionable past makes it difficult to
    characterize the current situation as another colored revolution such
    as those that occurred in several former Soviet republics during the
    2003-2005 period.

    Richard Weitz is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute and a World
    Politics Review contributing editor.
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