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  • Macedonians in Greece

    Mak News, Macedonia

    Macedonians in Greece

    1939 - 1949

    Part 9 - Break up of the Macedonian National Liberation Front

    October 2008

    By Risto Stefov
    [email protected]

    click here for the Macedonians in Greece series

    By now it was obvious to every Macedonian that the Communist Party of
    Greece (CPG) was not going to tolerate a strong all Macedonian
    organization inside Greece. The CPG had never approved of the MNLF(G)
    and now that the MNLF(G) was getting stronger and more popular with
    the Macedonian people, the CPG felt it had to do something. Although
    it needed the Macedonian people to fight on its side, the CPG at this
    time was also trying to warm up to the Greek bourgeois parties.
    Unfortunately none of the Greek bourgeois parties approved of the
    CPG's recognition of the Macedonian ethnicity so the CPG was in a
    dilemma. It had two choices; placate the bourgeois parties by
    disassociating itself from the Macedonians or forget about creating
    unity and humour the Macedonians for as long as they were needed.

    The CPG desperately and at all costs wanted "national unity" with the
    other Greek parties and was willing to do anything, even sacrifice the
    MNLF(G) if necessary.

    The CPG chose "unity" over the Macedonians and did not only
    disassociate itself from them, it took action to dismantle the MNLF(G)
    and effectively took away all the rights the Macedonians had recently
    earned including the right to form their own organizations, the right
    to form peoples' liberation councils and the right to have Macedonian
    schools.

    During the MNLF(G) regional conference held on April 12, 1944 Greek
    representatives of the CPG and GNLF were very pleased with the
    MNLF(G)'s recent successes but a few days later the same Greeks
    suddenly and unexpectedly denounced the MNLF(G) calling it a redundant
    and useless organization demanding that it be dismantled and its
    fighters be merged with the GNLF. They argued that "two organizations
    with the same aims were not needed" and "national unity could not
    possibly be achieved by having redundant organizations".

    In the beginning of May 1944, during a CPG conference held in the
    village Mogila, Kostur Region, a final decision was made to break up
    the MNLF(G). A similar decision was also made during a conference held
    in the village Lagen, Lerin Region and another one in the Macedonian
    ward in Voden.

    Naturally and justifiably the Macedonian people found it hard to
    accept this especially since Macedonians created this organization
    through struggle and personal sacrifice.

    The fact that the Macedonians in the Republic of Macedonia were having
    their own organizations, their own army, their own general
    headquarters and their recognized right to separate as an ethnic
    Macedonian identity made the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia
    feel like they were taking steps backwards. Besides being stripped of
    their right to be recognized as an ethnic Macedonian identity in
    Greece, these Macedonians began to lose everything they had worked
    for, even the rights they had achieved thus far. This was not only
    unacceptable, it was incomprehensible.

    In addition to breaking up the MNLF(G)'s political body, the CPG-GNLF
    leadership also disbanded its fighters and forced them to join
    NLAG. This was not what Macedonians wanted and naturally created
    negative feelings towards the Greeks which did not go unnoticed by the
    Fascists and directly fueled the autonomist propaganda which began to
    work hard to attract these disgruntled Macedonians who found
    themselves robbed not only of their rights but of also of their
    dignity.

    The kind of politics the CPG was conducting was neither new nor
    unknown to the Macedonian leadership. As early as January 1944 Lazo
    Damovski, the secretary of the regional council of the MNLF(G) for
    Kostur Region, addressed the CPG council for Macedonia and warned of
    this. On January 24, 1944 Damovski wrote: "The conditions created by
    World War II for the liberation movements in all of occupied Europe
    including the Balkans have opened new roads for the self-determination
    of all people. Macedonians are no exception. Macedonians have spilled
    blood in the 1903 Ilinden Uprising and are now fighting, spilling
    blood and making sacrifices to gain their freedom from the
    Fascists. Our friends in Vardar Macedonia are going in the right
    direction..."

    "The Macedonians in Lerin and Kostur Regions represent the majority of
    the population (70%) and are fighting shoulder to shoulder with the
    Greek people. When they become liberated, will they, according to the
    Atlantic agreements, have the rights to self declare? Will they be
    granted the promised rights?"

    "The CPG promised the Macedonian people equal rights within the
    framework of a Peoples Republic of Greece, the same way it promised
    the people of the Dodekanis and Cyprus. If the CPG is serious about
    delivering on those promises when will it then allow the Macedonian
    people to freely express their ethnic culture? When will it let the
    Macedonians fight for their own ideals and for composing something
    unique to show that they are truly Macedonians? Is the CPG really
    afraid of being criticized by the chauvinist elements? If so, how then
    does it propose to form "national unity" and not receive any
    criticism? Does the CPG truly understand the Macedonian question?
    Because if it doesn't it better learn it fast and start facing reality
    and make the right decision..."

    One by one the CPG ordered all regional MNLF(G) wards to close down
    and all fighters to disband and join the ranks of NLAG. This however
    was not what the Macedonians wanted and some began to show
    dissatisfaction.

    In May 1944 a large group of Macedonian fighters and activists lead by
    Naum Pejov, separated themselves from NLAG in a symbolic protest
    against the dismantling of the MNLF(G). Ilija Dimovski - Gotse too was
    suspended from duty because he was in support of this
    separation. Similar events also took place in Lerin Region where a
    group of Macedonian fighters lead by Gjorgij Turundzhov fled
    NLAG. Another group from Voden Region also fled but their leader
    Vangel Ajanov, who insisted on forming Macedonian detachments, was
    caught, put in jail and taken away to Mount Pajak. Pursued by Greek
    communist forces most of these renegade groups crossed over the
    Yugoslav border and fled into the Republic of Macedonia.

    These acts of protest demonstrated by the Macedonians were neither
    forgiven nor forgotten by the CPG-GNLF-NLAG leaderships. The Greek
    communists immediately issued orders to hunt down, capture and punish
    these renegades. Captured and jailed were Lazo Damovski, Paskal
    Mitrevski and Lazo Poplazov from Kostur region. In a disgraceful
    manner killed at Kajmakchalan were Macedonian ward leaders Pando
    Dzhikov, Dimitar Leskov from Ostrov Region, ten people from the
    village Chegan and three more from the village Rusilovo.

    The CPG made no effort to explain why these people were killed or to
    justify its action or to take responsibility for its part in the
    destruction of the MNLF(G) which propagated these demonstrations in
    the first place. Instead it took the easy way out and accused these
    people of subversion and of creating "division" among the Macedonians
    in Greek occupied Macedonia by allegedly spreading "autonomous ideas"
    to the population. In other words the CPG lied its way out by accusing
    the Macedonians of wanting to split away from Greece. Greeks have this
    inherent and primordial fear that the Macedonians one day will take
    away their precious part of Macedonia. I wonder why?

    After the fleeing fighters from Greek occupied Macedonia crossed over
    to the Republic of Macedonia they joined the resistance movement
    there. The CPG however was not at all pleased with their action and
    demanded that they be immediately sent back to Greece. While the
    fighters explained their reasons for leaving, the CPG insisted that
    they were "deserters" and needed to be sent back so that "an example"
    could be made of them. Without bothering to explain the underlying
    reasons why these fighters fled Greece the CPG took their case to the
    Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) and adamantly insisted that the
    fighters be immediately returned. The CPY however did not give in to
    the CPG's demands and used this opportunity to put pressure on the CPG
    to deliver on its promises to the Macedonian people. Further, the CPY
    recommended that if the CPG wanted its fighters back it would have to
    allow them to form their own Macedonian military units in Voden, Lerin
    and Kostur regions.

    Here is what Koliopoulos had to say about this: "A contemporary
    Partisan view adds another side to the issue. 'The friction between
    our bands and the Greek Antartes in the region of Kastoria and
    Florina,' Tempo and Ortche wrote in one of their reports to the
    Partisan GHQ in August 1944, 'has been caused by the Greek Antartes,
    when they moved into the region and started pressing Macedonians into
    their units. The Macedonians, according to their leaders, maintained
    that they were prepared to fight the Germans, but that they waited for
    their own units to be formed so as to enlist in them. The Greeks did
    not approve [the formation of the units] and instead started
    oppressing the Macedonian people. The result was an exodus of the
    Macedonians in the direction of Monastir, where Michailov waited to
    press them into his own units and fight against the Greeks. Faced with
    this situation, our political commissars let the fugitives, after
    consulting Radosavljevich, form their own units in the
    Florina-Monastir area of operations. Some of our commissars then
    started spreading the idea that the Macedonians could enlist in our
    army and that service with us would be as if they were serving in the
    Greek army, since both we and the Greeks are fighting against the
    fascist conquerors. At this point the Macedonians started enlisting in
    our army en masse, and the Greeks intensified their pressure on the
    Macedonians. The commanders of the Antartes issued orders for the
    confiscation of the property of those who enlisted in our army, and
    this caused confusion. In the talks conducted by Radosavljevich, a
    member of the KKE (CPG) Macedonian Bureau said that it was preferable
    for the Macedonians to be on the side of the Germans than on our [the
    Yugoslav]. The Greeks in general appear to share this view. Our
    representatives pressed the Greeks to accept the formation of a
    Kastoria-Florina battalion, but they are opposed. We are convinced
    that the Greeks must somehow find a way to form such a battalion. If
    they don't, we'll have to form it ourselves, in which case we'll clash
    with the Greeks.'" (John S. Koliopouls. "Plundered Loyalties". Pages
    127-128)

    Ortse Dobrivoje Radosavlejvich, mentioned above, wrote a letter to the
    Macedonian units from Greek occupied Macedonia, then serving in the
    Republic of Macedonia, which was read at a CPG regional
    conference. Among other things the letter said that time for
    discussions of whether or not to form Macedonian units or what symbols
    these units should be wearing, is over. The enemy is well aware of the
    situation with the Macedonian people and is using their
    dissatisfaction and mistrust to draw them into its ranks under the
    slogan "independent Macedonia". The idea of an "independent Macedonia"
    was not a Macedonian creation but an enemy invention to draw the
    Macedonians on its side just like it is attempting to draw in the
    Romano-Vlachs from Pindos by promising them a Vlach state and the
    Shiptars with promises of creating a greater Albania.

    The idea of creating a united and independent Macedonia was nothing
    new. It was contemplated by the Italians and supported by the
    Americans in 1919. Even Britain had agreed to create an independent
    Macedonian protectorate. Hitler too had toyed with the idea of an
    "independent Macedonia" with Solun as its capital. Here is what Walter
    Hagen had to say about that: "Hitler's interest in Macedonia began in
    1941. Then in 1943 he received a memo from his secret service drawing
    his attention to the benefits of forming an independent Macedonian
    state with Solun as its capital. Creating such a state would be loyal
    to Germany and through it Germany would have access to the Aegean
    waters. Such a state could have easily been created in 1943 but by
    1944 it was too late. Germany worked through Vancho Mihailov who came
    to Macedonia to familiarize the people with this German idea but
    concluded that it was too late and by then very difficult to realize
    it." (Hristo Andonovski "Vistinata za Egejska Makedonija", Page 127)

    Vancho Mihailov in his book "Macedonia - Switzerland of the Balkans"
    wrote that the Germans and the Bulgarians were considering creating an
    autonomous Macedonian state. Also from what we can gather from
    Kalchev's and Dimchev's propaganda Bulgaria, around the middle of
    June, also began to arm Macedonians bands in Voden Region for the
    purpose of creating an autonomous Macedonia. Again according to
    Bulgarian propaganda, the idea for the formation of the "Ohrana", a
    Bulgarian sponsored military organization stationed in Voden and
    operating jointly with the Germans, was to arm Macedonian bands for
    the purpose of creating an "autonomous" Macedonian state. If the
    Macedonians truly wanted that, wouldn't they have joined the Ohrana or
    cooperated with the Germans to achieve it?

    Even after the Greek communists dismantled the MNLF(G) and upset the
    Macedonian population, the best the Ohrana could attract was 700
    fighters. The majority of Macedonians judged the Ohrana by the unruly
    individuals it attracted who were viewed as no better than common
    criminals and who enjoyed terrorizing the population. One of the
    schools in Voden was converted to an Ohrana torture chamber to torture
    not the Fascist Greeks but the patriotic Macedonians and progressive
    Greeks. The following individuals were killed by the Ohrana in Voden;
    the pensioner major Atanasoglu, Siganidis, Georgios, Ipokratis,
    Aspalidis, the teacher Lazaros Vafiadis, Karavasilis, Vasilios, Nasko
    Pechinarov, Georgios Akritidis, Stavridis Kariofilis and others. The
    Ohrana didn't just target individuals, it also targeted resistance
    organizations. Among the Macedonian organizations to successfully
    fight back against the Ohrana was the group of saboteurs from
    Voden. Members of that group included Hristo Kardalov, Aleko
    Tsrvenkata, Tushi Keramitchev, the brothers Gjasherev, Hristo Pochepov
    and Leonida Projov.

    Whether coincidental or not, right after the Greek communists broke up
    the MNLF(G) some Macedonians did join the Ohrana but instead of
    offering them a diplomatic way out, the leadership of NLAG, proficient
    in well known Greek tactics, ordered the burning of the houses of
    those who had joined. This totally illogical act not only did not stop
    people from joining, it forced more people to arm themselves for their
    defense. Common sense however must have prevailed because the CPG
    decided that in order to stop the drift to the Ohrana the people
    needed a better alternative. The CPG did that by creating separate
    Macedonian units within the framework of NLAG. As a result, the
    regional council of the CPG for Macedonia ordered the formation of
    Macedonian units in Voden, Lerin and Kostur Regions. I just want to
    point out at this point that there may have been other reasons why the
    CPG decided to create Macedonian units. In its attempt to burn down
    the houses in the village Javorjani, NLAG was repelled several times
    by the armed group there and was unable to carry out its mission. This
    must have prompted the Greek communists to change tactics. It would
    have been disastrous for the communist Greeks to fight against the
    Macedonians so they no doubt reluctantly chose to again befriend them.

    Even though the decision to form Macedonian units within NLAG appeared
    to be a done deal for the Macedonians there were disagreements among
    the Greek communists and the decision was not supported by everyone,
    especially after the Lebanon Conference.

    The Greek resistance leadership signed an agreement on May 20th, 1944
    in Lebanon to form a coalition government with other civilian parties
    from Greece which was unwelcome to the Macedonians. The agreement was
    viewed with suspicion because much of its content was insulting and
    demeaning to the Macedonian people. The agreement called for disarming
    the Macedonian people and was interpreted as a means to destroy the
    MNLF(G). The Lebanon agreement was the end result of the so called
    "national unity" with other Greek parties which the CPG so desperately
    desired to create.

    In order to patch up relations with the Macedonians, a conference was
    held in the village Belkamen, Lerin Region on July 20th, 1944 which
    was attended by the Partisans active in Vicho and Western
    Kajmakchalan. One of the resolutions reached was the re-organization
    of the Partisan forces into three detachments. The first lead by Aetos
    was assigned to operate in Vicho, the second lead by Ilija Dimovski -
    Gotse was assigned to Bigla - Koreshtata and the third was ordered to
    go to Western Kajmakchalan. In August 1943 Hristo Kolentsev was
    appointed detachment commissar for Vicho, replacing Commissar Naum
    Shupurkovski - Leon who left for a new assignment.

    The moment the Macedonians in Voden Region found out that the CPG had
    reached a decision to allow the formation of Macedonian detachments
    they began to work. Then on July 16, 1944 they announced the formation
    of the Macedonian Voden battalion at Kajmakchalan. The announcement
    was welcome news for the Macedonian youth who began to arrive in
    massive numbers to join as volunteers. The battalion was camped above
    the village Gorno Rodivo in Kajmakchalan and every day more than a
    dozen youths came from the local villages with a single desire, to be
    soldiers in the Macedonian army.

    This kind of movement was unprecedented in the history of the region
    as youths poured in from the Meglen, Baovo and Pozhartsko Region
    villages. Besides arriving in large numbers most of them brought their
    own arms and ammunition.

    As soon as the Macedonians in Voden organized they addressed the
    Macedonian people with the following proclamation written in the
    Macedonian language:

    "Brothers, wake up and understand that this struggle in not a struggle
    between Greeks and Bulgarians, it is not a fight between Bulgarians
    and Serbians here in the Balkans, it is a fight everywhere between the
    people and Fascism. United with the Red army all the people everywhere
    are locked in a war of life and death against the tyrannical
    Fascists. As long as German Fascism is strong and until Italian
    Fascism is still alive, the forces of the people here in the Balkans
    will fight against them. Until the Fascist hordes are destroyed at the
    front, the German fascists here will continue to attract Macedonian
    youths to their camp through the lies of their servant Fascist dogs
    Kalchev, Dimchev and others like them.

    Our Macedonian peoples' army along with the Greek peoples' army are
    now fighting together against a common foe the German and Greek
    fascists and against out boys who have been lied to.

    The Greek fascists, the Greek royalists; we know what they are
    fighting for... And our boys who have been lied to by Kalchev, Dimchev
    and others, united with the Greek gendarmes under German fascism are
    fighting not for Macedonia but for the Fascists against the Macedonian
    peoples' army, and against the Macedonian people.

    Macedonia people!

    Our way is not with the fascists. Only together with the Greek people
    here and with the other progressive people can we gain life fit for
    humans and lasting peace.

    Know that Fascism will soon die...The Italian people rose against
    it. The Romanian people did the same. The Czechoslovakian, the French,
    the Fin and the Bulgarian people did the same...

    Sons of Macedonia!

    Come forth and join the ranks of the Macedonian army against
    fascism. Unite with the Macedonian peoples' army; with the Greek
    people, against the tyrannical fascists against the Greek fascists and
    against all fascists." (Hristo Andonovski "Vistinata za Egejska
    Makedonija", Pages 129-130)

    Within a few days of distributing this publication the first Cheta was
    created with Petar Tanirov as its commander and Parikli Jovchev as its
    commissar. As soon as the Cheta was put together it was dispatched on
    missions to battle German and Greek Fascist bands in Enidzhe Vardar,
    Kria Vrisi (Plasnichevo) in Solun Region and with other bands in
    Kukush Region. The Cheta proved itself in combat showing exemplary
    heroism and self reliance.

    With the formation of the Macedonian Cheta in Voden Region, many
    Macedonians who had joined the Ohrana felt they had made a mistake. To
    rectify the problem, Dimchev, the Voden Ohrana commander, requested
    permission for his unit to join the Partisans. But before anything
    could be done, Dzhodzho, the Partisan Cheta commander, called for a
    meeting. In August 1944 a meeting was organized in the village Teovo,
    Voden Region, where Dimchev and Dzhodzho met and had
    discussions. While Dimchev insisted that his unit leave the city of
    Voden fully armed with light arms and remain intact under his
    leadership, Dzhodzho spelled out his demands as follows:

    All Macedonians who had joined the Ohrana and felt they had made a
    mistake in joining were to quit the Ohrana and join the Partisan army
    fully armed. If they were willing to voluntarily fight against the
    occupier they would be pardoned. It was also clearly stressed that
    those who had committed crimes would be severely punished. Upon
    accepting these conditions, the Ohrana unit would be disarmed and the
    arms and ammunition would be given to the Macedonian battalion; this
    would weaken the enemy's strength and create the right conditions to
    free the city.

    Having heard Dzhodzho's demands, Dimchev would agree only if his
    entire unit remained intact and separate but was willing to share
    joint command. This condition however was unacceptable to
    Dzhodzho. Dzhodzho argued that that would not only compromise his
    position with his Greek partners, but would place his own Partisans in
    a precarious position. The Partisan battalion had enough arms
    consisting of old and defective rifles to only arm a single Cheta
    while the Ohrana unit had new and modern arms. If there was any sort
    of disagreement the Macedonian battalion would have found itself in a
    critical situation.

    This meeting unfortunately was monitored by the German Gestapo which
    took strong measures to stop further contact between the two groups
    and to liquidate this branch of the Ohrana. But in spite of all enemy
    efforts, many Macedonians fled the Ohrana and joined the Macedonian
    Partisans. Those who were guilty of having committed crimes were
    certainly punished but the rest who were simply victims of enemy
    propaganda fought against the occupied with honour and some even lost
    their lives.

    On August 2nd, 1944 in the village Pozdivishcha, Kostur Region, the
    Lerin-Kostur Macedonian Battalion was formed. This was due to the
    persistent demands from the Macedonian people in Lerin and Kostur
    Regions to have their own army and their need to have more involvement
    in NLAG matters.

    There were many preliminary and significant conditions imposed on the
    Battalion's formation by the Greek side, mainly due to the Lebanon
    Agreement which needed to be ironed out.

    In view of the announcement made that another all Macedonian battalion
    was going to be formed, some communist Greeks were
    nervous. Objections, especially in Kostur Region, became even more
    electrified by the attitude of Andonis Andonopoulos - Periklis,
    secretary of the regional committee of the CPG, during a party meeting
    in the village Dmbeni when he said: "The Macedonians as a minority
    will live in socialism, in northern Greece". In other words Greece was
    not ready or not willing to discuss the Macedonian question and he was
    more that happy to promote the status quo but under a Socialist
    system. This was unacceptable to the Macedonians as voiced by one
    Macedonian present at that meeting who challenged the secretary: "We
    Macedonians want our national freedom now and we can get it..." In
    other words we want our full rights now and are fully capable of
    fighting for them.

    Comments such as the above however only created mistrust between the
    CPG and the Macedonians. This mistrust manifested itself in
    significantly lowering the induction of Macedonian volunteers into the
    ranks of NLAG and other Greek political and military organizations. It
    also prompted many Macedonians already serving to desert. As mentioned
    earlier, Ilija Dimovski - Gotse at that time was in Gramos, suspended
    from duty and very much disappointed in what was happening.

    In Greece, particularly in Greek occupied Macedonia, a mass movement
    was forming in protest against the Lebanon Agreement. Under pressure
    from the people, the central committee and leadership of the CPG took
    measures to defuse the situation by canceling the agreement and
    re-orienting itself towards the Macedonian Liberation Army in
    Yugoslavia.

    Opting out of the Lebanon agreement was an indication, at least on the
    surface, that the Greek Communist leadership was ready to accept
    revolutionary ideals and tactics. In this endeavour the CPG leadership
    turned its attention to forming what appeared to be a meaningful and
    trusting relationship with the Macedonians. This however, was not done
    to give Macedonians more rights but to engage them in the Greek
    communist struggle and to fulfill Greek communist ambitions.

    As a result of this new relationship, among other things, the Kostur
    Region Battalion at Karaorman was ordered to return to Kostur Region
    and continue its activities in its mobilization of new recruits from
    the ranks of the Macedonian people and to form new Macedonian
    detachments, battalions and brigades which were to be commanded by
    Macedonians under the leadership of NLAG.

    As was decided and agreed upon, the all Macedonian Kostur Region
    Battalion, as mentioned earlier, arrived on August 2nd, 1944 at the
    village Pozdivishcha where its formation was finally formalized.

    The task of forming the Macedonian battalion and commanding the NLAG
    division in the region was entrusted to Ilija Dimovski - Gotse, who at
    that time was in Gramos fighting the largest Germans offensive of
    1944.

    On August 2nd, 1944 Ilija Dimovski - Gotse along with 30 more
    Macedonian fighters arrived in Pozdivishcha and took command of the
    battalion as ordered.

    August 2nd, the day of the Ilinden Uprising, a significant day for the
    Macedonian people was chosen to announce the creation of a Macedonian
    battalion, an all Macedonian battalion with all Macedonian national
    characteristics.

    On the occasion of the anniversary of the Ilinden Uprising, a meeting
    was also held on August 2nd, in the village Pozdivishcha, where,
    according to the agenda, discussions between the Greek National
    Liberation Front's (GNLF) representative Renos Mihaleas and the
    representative of Republic of Macedonia Petre Bogdanov - Kochko took
    place. Among the many who attended and spoke was Naum Pejov, who had
    returned from the Republic of Macedonia and was pressured to publicly
    admit that he was in error when he gave his support for the Macedonian
    separation from NLAG.

    According to a Greek Party document here is what was said: "Renos
    sought to convince Kochko and Pejov, especially Pejov, to admit to
    having made an error but Pejov refused to and spoke against the CPG
    reaffirming his position for the need for self-government and the
    reunification of the Macedonian people." Under this kind of pressure
    or for some other reasons Renos replied: "You are entitled to
    Macedonia up to Solun. We will take the Dodecanese and Cyprus. Form
    you own brigade, division and your Macedonian army. Appoint Ilija
    Dimovski - Gotse commander of the division..."

    In another similar party document it says that during the gathering
    Lambro Pejov also spoke and was very critical of the GNLF-NLAG
    politics and asked that Lazo Damovski - Oshenski be released from
    prison who, as mentioned earlier, at the time was locked-up by NLAG
    being accused for participating in the above mentioned Macedonian
    separation.

    According to statements made by Renos Mihaleas, it was possible to
    form a Macedonian brigade depending on the available number of
    fighters. Ilija Dimovski - Gotse, organized four Cheti (bands) from
    available fighters from the unit that returned from Karaorman, the
    fighters he acquired from Gramos, other fighters who joined the
    Karaorman unit after its return and from the inflow of new recruits
    which would have constituted the new battalions. Unfortunately the
    NLAG leadership would not allow it. The unit which was proposed to be
    formed, owing to the number of fighters, constituted the Lerin-Kostur
    Region Macedonian battalion named "Gotse" after its commander Ilija
    Dimovski - Gotse.

    Prior to the objections it was recommended that Ilija Dimovski - Gotse
    take command of the battalion and Hristo Kolentsev be made
    commissar. Afterwards everything changed. On September 10th, 1944
    under orders from NLAG regiment 28, Kozmas Spatos - Amintas, a Greek
    of Albanian descent, was appointed commander of the battalion. Ilija
    Dimovski - Gotse was reduced to captain and Hristo Kolentsiev was
    reduced to party secretary of the battalion.

    Afraid that the Macedonians would develop their own military
    capabilities, and perhaps slip out of its control, the CPG leadership
    made every effort to prevent the renewed Macedonian movement from
    expanding but for the time the Greek communist tricks did not work.

    Stringos, secretary of the CPG Macedonian bureau, questioned Renos's
    rational for allowing the formation of a battalion when orders were
    given to only form one Cheta (unit) in Kostur Region and
    Karadzhova. Renos replied with a question: "And what will have been
    the damages if divisions were to be formed?" To which Stringos
    replied: "You are naïve. If the Macedonians had divisions, then they
    would not be found in Macedonia..." (Quote taken from a letter from
    Renos to Dobrivoje Radosavlejvich Ortse. The original text can be
    found in the Yugoslav military historical archives).

    Orders, commands, reports and other communications in the battalion
    were carried out in the Macedonian language. A few days after the
    Battalion's formation, Renos Mihaleos contacted Ilija Dimovski - Gotse
    and informed him that a GNLF non communist officer from the NLAG
    regiment 28 was going to be paying him a visit to do an
    inspection. Renos told Ilija that all communications in the battalion
    must be done in the Greek language.

    Perturbed by such a request, Ilija replied: "We are not all communists
    either. We are patriotic Macedonians and like you and the GNLF who are
    fighting for your national rights, we too are fighting for ours and
    for our freedom."

    Immediately after the "Gotse" and the "Voden" battalions were formed a
    massive number of Macedonians began to join the ranks of the
    Partisans. With these kinds of numbers, it was possible to not only
    form brigades but divisions. When the Gotse battalion was formed it
    had 400 fighters. About a month later (September 16) it was numbering
    650 and by October 10th, 1944 the number jumped to 1,500. This was
    unprecedented for the resistance movement in Greek occupied Macedonia
    especially since the CPG had entered into the unfavorable Lebanon
    agreement with the enemy the "right".

    For the sake of "national unity" a "right wing" government was
    appointed to lead Greece under the leadership of Georgios
    Papandreu. Papandreu's "right wing" Greek government unfortunately did
    not recognize the existence of the Macedonian people in Greece. If a
    government did not even recognize the existence of Macedonians then
    how was it going to tolerate armed Macedonian units, Macedonian
    soldiers and Macedonian institutions? The CPG leadership, in order to
    placate the government, again began to suppress the Macedonian people
    by taking rigorous action to take away their rights and stop the
    expansion of their forces.

    One of the measures undertaken was to stop Macedonians from joining
    the ranks of the Partisans. In a communiqués to the Central committee
    of the Macedonian Bureau on September 12, 1944, the CPG, among other
    things said: "Let it be noted that our side recons it's time to stop
    recruiting fighters from the ranks of the Slavo-Macedonians".

    Even a reactionary historian was prompted to write: "The joining of
    the Slavophones in the army was massive and 300 of them traveled to
    Langa, the camp of the 28th brigade of ELAS [NLAG], to be armed. But
    the commander of the brigade Lazaridis Hr. by his own initiative armed
    only 50, who sent them to the units of the 28th foot brigade, and to
    the others he gave temporary dismissal..." ("Misteriata na Gotse",
    odlumka 169 vo v. "Elinikos Vordas" od VII.1955).

    Immediately after the battalion was formed it was sent on a mission to
    disarm the villages that were armed by the enemy.

    In only a span of fifteen days the villages Prekopana, Chereshnitsa
    and others were disarmed collecting around 200 rifles, a few heavy
    machine guns and ammunition.

    The attack on the city of Lerin too was successful. The Partisans
    torched a fuel depot, destroyed an ammunition depot and broke up an
    enemy tax collection ring. Bitter battles broke out through the
    streets in arm to arm combat killing eighty German soldiers.

    Since its formation on August 2nd, 1944 the Macedonian battalion had
    destroyed ten German trucks, had taken fifteen German prisoners and
    freed one-hundred and ten Armenian captives. In its few missions in
    August 1944 the Macedonian battalion had taken out of action 220
    Germans in total. The battalion relentlessly pursued the occupier near
    the Bigla Mount territory destroying his communications and damaging
    his transportation lines. Sixty German soldiers were killed in a
    single battle in Kamenik village on the Lerin-Bitola road. But with
    all its successes the Greek communists were never satisfied and found
    something to criticize the Macedonians about. This no doubt brought
    back old suspicions questioning whether the Greek communist "good
    intentions" towards the Macedonians were genuine or another ruse to
    use them to do their dirty work?

    Sources:

    Andonovski, Hristo. Vistinata za Egejska Makedonija. Skopje: Misla,
    1971.

    Pejov, Naum. Makedontsite i Gragjanskata vojna vo Grtsija. Skopje:
    Institut za Natsionalna Istorija, 1968.

    To be continued.

    ----------
    You can contact the author at [email protected]

    http://maknews.com/html/artic les/stefov/stefov138.html
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