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IN TALKING TURKEY, OBAMA MAKES SENSE OF FOREIGN POLICY
The Age
April 13, 2009 Monday
Melbourne, Australia
The President puts America back on the right track.
IMAGINE if, only a year ago, the President of the United States
had visited Turkey, addressed its parliament, then kissed the Prime
Minister on both cheeks. That might have been considered far-fetched,
but so, too, would have been the President's affirmation that his
country was "not at war with Islam" and that being Muslim in the US
is part of the fabric of life: "Many other Americans have Muslims
in their family, or have lived in a Muslim-majority country. I know,
because I am one of them."
It is indeed unimaginable that George Bush would have embraced such
thoughts, words and deeds. His arm's-length policy, bred out of a
certain conservative caution and suspicion, certainly applied to
being seen to be in too close a contact with Islamic nations, let
alone within kissing distance of their leaders. Mr Bush's successor,
however, is a different president, from a different political and
personal heritage and whose more conciliatory views on foreign
relations are already beginning to take effect.
Barack Obama, in his first lengthy trip abroad since his
inauguration in January, visited six countries in eight days. He
attended three international summits, including the G20 in London,
met 25 world leaders, and dropped into Iraq on the way home, to
visit the troops. All these assignments were important for various
economic, diplomatic and political reasons, especially concerning the
repositioning of the US as a more understanding and less bellicose
leader of Western nations. But it was Mr Obama's two-day trip to
Turkey (far from a whistle-stop, he visited Ankara and Istanbul) that
said the most about the new President's intention to bridge divides
instead of avoiding them, and, in doing so, increasing the potential
to use mutual strengths to mutual advantage. The presidential visit
has done much to thaw the long chill between America and Turkey,
caused mainly by differences over Iraq.
The unambiguous message contained in Mr Obama's 25-minute address
to the Turkish parliament last week was his confirmation that the
country is a critical ally and essential to a strong and united
Europe - and that America "strongly supports" Turkey's application
for membership of the European Union. "Centuries of shared history,
culture, and commerce bring you together," the President told the
parliament. "Europe gains by the diversity of ethnicity, tradition
and faith - it is not diminished by it. And Turkish membership would
broaden and strengthen Europe's foundation once more."
Although such advocacy might not be well received by some EU nations,
particularly France, whose president, Nicolas Sarkozy, says he will do
his best to keep Turkey out, such powerful support will be difficult
to resist or ignore. Part of the overall opposition has been on the
grounds of Turkey's blemished human-rights record and the still extant
influence of various civilian nationalists and generals - generals
who, not so long ago, enjoyed US support - and who have stymied some
of the reforms that must occur if Turkey is to join the EU. But, as
Mr Obama made clear, such reforms are not only good for EU membership,
"but because it's right for Turkey". He was right in pointing out some
successful reforms, including the abolition of state security courts,
expanding the rights to counsel, and positive changes to laws affecting
the penal code and press freedom. At the same time, Mr Obama should
stick to the pledge made during his election campaign to call the mass
killings of the Ottoman Armenians in 1915 "genocide": whatever signs of
improvement in contemporary Turkish-Armenian relations (for example,
the proposed reopening of borders and re-establishment of diplomatic
ties), the massacre is still a stain on human history that can never
be effaced.
President Obama's visit to Turkey was not only to acknowledge its
credentials as a key European player, but to begin ways to use Turkey's
unique and influential position in geographical, political and ethnic
terms. In other words, an ulterior motive. Turkey is a conduit of
increasing importance between the West and the Arab world. As the US
prepares its withdrawal from Iraq to concentrate on Afghanistan, Mr
Obama is keen for more Turkish troops to be committed to Afghanistan,
and also for Turkey to act as a transit hub for supplies to US troops
there and in Iraq. Turkey will also be important as a go-between in
America-Iran relations following the Obama Administration's invitation
to President Ahmadinejad to join international talks about Iran's
nuclear program.
The public reaction to Mr Obama's European tour has been
encouraging. It is worth recalling that in July, during his campaign,
his "world that stands as one" speech in Berlin drew a crowd of
200,000. While this said much about his personal popularity, it also
provided overwhelming indication of interest in the desire for a new
direction in foreign policy that, as Democractic candidate, he was
only able to indicate. Now, as President, Mr Obama is beginning to
take that path, with pragmatism and candour. It will not always be
the smoothest of journeys, but it is at least taking the right path.
The Age
April 13, 2009 Monday
Melbourne, Australia
The President puts America back on the right track.
IMAGINE if, only a year ago, the President of the United States
had visited Turkey, addressed its parliament, then kissed the Prime
Minister on both cheeks. That might have been considered far-fetched,
but so, too, would have been the President's affirmation that his
country was "not at war with Islam" and that being Muslim in the US
is part of the fabric of life: "Many other Americans have Muslims
in their family, or have lived in a Muslim-majority country. I know,
because I am one of them."
It is indeed unimaginable that George Bush would have embraced such
thoughts, words and deeds. His arm's-length policy, bred out of a
certain conservative caution and suspicion, certainly applied to
being seen to be in too close a contact with Islamic nations, let
alone within kissing distance of their leaders. Mr Bush's successor,
however, is a different president, from a different political and
personal heritage and whose more conciliatory views on foreign
relations are already beginning to take effect.
Barack Obama, in his first lengthy trip abroad since his
inauguration in January, visited six countries in eight days. He
attended three international summits, including the G20 in London,
met 25 world leaders, and dropped into Iraq on the way home, to
visit the troops. All these assignments were important for various
economic, diplomatic and political reasons, especially concerning the
repositioning of the US as a more understanding and less bellicose
leader of Western nations. But it was Mr Obama's two-day trip to
Turkey (far from a whistle-stop, he visited Ankara and Istanbul) that
said the most about the new President's intention to bridge divides
instead of avoiding them, and, in doing so, increasing the potential
to use mutual strengths to mutual advantage. The presidential visit
has done much to thaw the long chill between America and Turkey,
caused mainly by differences over Iraq.
The unambiguous message contained in Mr Obama's 25-minute address
to the Turkish parliament last week was his confirmation that the
country is a critical ally and essential to a strong and united
Europe - and that America "strongly supports" Turkey's application
for membership of the European Union. "Centuries of shared history,
culture, and commerce bring you together," the President told the
parliament. "Europe gains by the diversity of ethnicity, tradition
and faith - it is not diminished by it. And Turkish membership would
broaden and strengthen Europe's foundation once more."
Although such advocacy might not be well received by some EU nations,
particularly France, whose president, Nicolas Sarkozy, says he will do
his best to keep Turkey out, such powerful support will be difficult
to resist or ignore. Part of the overall opposition has been on the
grounds of Turkey's blemished human-rights record and the still extant
influence of various civilian nationalists and generals - generals
who, not so long ago, enjoyed US support - and who have stymied some
of the reforms that must occur if Turkey is to join the EU. But, as
Mr Obama made clear, such reforms are not only good for EU membership,
"but because it's right for Turkey". He was right in pointing out some
successful reforms, including the abolition of state security courts,
expanding the rights to counsel, and positive changes to laws affecting
the penal code and press freedom. At the same time, Mr Obama should
stick to the pledge made during his election campaign to call the mass
killings of the Ottoman Armenians in 1915 "genocide": whatever signs of
improvement in contemporary Turkish-Armenian relations (for example,
the proposed reopening of borders and re-establishment of diplomatic
ties), the massacre is still a stain on human history that can never
be effaced.
President Obama's visit to Turkey was not only to acknowledge its
credentials as a key European player, but to begin ways to use Turkey's
unique and influential position in geographical, political and ethnic
terms. In other words, an ulterior motive. Turkey is a conduit of
increasing importance between the West and the Arab world. As the US
prepares its withdrawal from Iraq to concentrate on Afghanistan, Mr
Obama is keen for more Turkish troops to be committed to Afghanistan,
and also for Turkey to act as a transit hub for supplies to US troops
there and in Iraq. Turkey will also be important as a go-between in
America-Iran relations following the Obama Administration's invitation
to President Ahmadinejad to join international talks about Iran's
nuclear program.
The public reaction to Mr Obama's European tour has been
encouraging. It is worth recalling that in July, during his campaign,
his "world that stands as one" speech in Berlin drew a crowd of
200,000. While this said much about his personal popularity, it also
provided overwhelming indication of interest in the desire for a new
direction in foreign policy that, as Democractic candidate, he was
only able to indicate. Now, as President, Mr Obama is beginning to
take that path, with pragmatism and candour. It will not always be
the smoothest of journeys, but it is at least taking the right path.