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WPS Agency, Russia
What the Papers Say (Russia)
August 19, 2009 Wednesday
ARM-TWISTING
BYLINE: Yuri Simonjan
THE GEORGIAN REGIME STIFFENS ACTING LEGISLATION; The Georgian
authorities stiffen the law "On meetings and manifestations".
New law "On meetings and manifestations" came into force in Georgia
this Tuesday. The legislation stiffened the rules of mass protests as
well as penalty for infraction and broadened the already impressive
powers of the police. Condemned by the opposition as a "law against
democracy and protests", the law was adopted on the eve of the new
political season in Georgia. Enemies of the regime scheduled renewal
of mass protests for autumn.
The parliament amended the acting law "On meetings and manifestations"
at the emergency meeting on July 17, the day when mass protests were
taking place all over Tbilisi. Propresident majority easily overruled
the Christian Democratic Party faction that suggested consultations
with the Venetian Commission of the Council of Europe first. It is
fair to add here that when the authorities of Armenia nearby crushed a
rally of the opposition protesting against the outcome of the
presidential election and promptly adopted analogous restrictions on
organization of protests, official Yerevan immediately found itself
under pressure from the Western community. It was eventually forced to
recede from its position. Tbilisi, however, was permitted to get away
with it. No pressure in connection with the amended legislation is
applied to Mikhail Saakashvili's regime even though the law permits
the use of "nonlethal weapons" and other suchlike means against
protesters.
The term "nonlethal weapons" is ambiguous in itself. Is it possible to
kill a man with a banal truncheon? It certainly is. As for "nonlethal
bullets", Georgian opposition has firsthand experience with
them. Attending a protest rally in front of the police department in
Tbilisi on May 6, opposition leaders suddenly found themselves under
fire. Using plastic bullets, a sniper finally sent them all to doctors
specializing in brain injuries. And a reference to "other suchlike"
means leaves little to imagination, considering what the Georgian
powers-that-be deploy against their political adversaries. Teargas,
water cannons, and other mob control means were successfully used
against the opposition on November 7, 2007.
Investing new powers in the police, the amended legislation stiffened
protest organization rules and penalty for their violation. The
opposition assumes, not unreasonably, that the authorities go to these
extremes to prevent new mass protests scheduled for the
autumn. "Everything is clear. Nothing to comment on," lawyer Eka
Barselia said. All the same, opposition activists are resolved to
resume street protests soon, stiffer prosecution or not.
It seems, however, that chances of the opposition to win the
confrontation are smaller now than they have ever been - unless the
powers-that-be make some fatal error, of course. Attempts to
consolidate the opposition failed. Irakly Alasania, formerly
representative of Georgia to the UN, seems bent on the talks with the
regime. His political allies (the Republican Party) pin their hopes on
the presidential election in 2013, as if recognizing pointlessness of
the confrontation at this time. Nino Burdzhanadze formerly of the
parliament of Georgia has her hands full with the court proceedings
concerning the mansion once received as a gift from Saakashvili (tax
services demand colossal sums for it now). Led by Gubaz Sanikidze and
Kaja Shartava, the National Forum launched a propagandistic campaign
in the provinces that have always been firmly pro-Saakashvili.
Ex-candidate for president Levan Gachechiladze founded the Movement
for Salvation of Georgia without saying what for or what he intended
to do with it. Konstantin Gamsakhurdia, the son of the first president
of Georgia, went public to say that he distrusted the opposition.
Shalva Natelashvili's Laborites had announced earlier that they
distrusted both the authorities and the opposition.
So, the Georgian opposition on the eve of the new political season is
split into autonomous parties and movements often working at cross
purposes. The regime in the meantime consolidates its positions. And
what about the Georgians? The Georgians are fed up - with the promises
of the powers-that-be to put things right and with the threats of the
opposition to make "Saakashvili's lying regime" history.
Source: Nezavisimaya Gazeta, No 173, August 19, 2009, p. 7
What the Papers Say (Russia)
August 19, 2009 Wednesday
ARM-TWISTING
BYLINE: Yuri Simonjan
THE GEORGIAN REGIME STIFFENS ACTING LEGISLATION; The Georgian
authorities stiffen the law "On meetings and manifestations".
New law "On meetings and manifestations" came into force in Georgia
this Tuesday. The legislation stiffened the rules of mass protests as
well as penalty for infraction and broadened the already impressive
powers of the police. Condemned by the opposition as a "law against
democracy and protests", the law was adopted on the eve of the new
political season in Georgia. Enemies of the regime scheduled renewal
of mass protests for autumn.
The parliament amended the acting law "On meetings and manifestations"
at the emergency meeting on July 17, the day when mass protests were
taking place all over Tbilisi. Propresident majority easily overruled
the Christian Democratic Party faction that suggested consultations
with the Venetian Commission of the Council of Europe first. It is
fair to add here that when the authorities of Armenia nearby crushed a
rally of the opposition protesting against the outcome of the
presidential election and promptly adopted analogous restrictions on
organization of protests, official Yerevan immediately found itself
under pressure from the Western community. It was eventually forced to
recede from its position. Tbilisi, however, was permitted to get away
with it. No pressure in connection with the amended legislation is
applied to Mikhail Saakashvili's regime even though the law permits
the use of "nonlethal weapons" and other suchlike means against
protesters.
The term "nonlethal weapons" is ambiguous in itself. Is it possible to
kill a man with a banal truncheon? It certainly is. As for "nonlethal
bullets", Georgian opposition has firsthand experience with
them. Attending a protest rally in front of the police department in
Tbilisi on May 6, opposition leaders suddenly found themselves under
fire. Using plastic bullets, a sniper finally sent them all to doctors
specializing in brain injuries. And a reference to "other suchlike"
means leaves little to imagination, considering what the Georgian
powers-that-be deploy against their political adversaries. Teargas,
water cannons, and other mob control means were successfully used
against the opposition on November 7, 2007.
Investing new powers in the police, the amended legislation stiffened
protest organization rules and penalty for their violation. The
opposition assumes, not unreasonably, that the authorities go to these
extremes to prevent new mass protests scheduled for the
autumn. "Everything is clear. Nothing to comment on," lawyer Eka
Barselia said. All the same, opposition activists are resolved to
resume street protests soon, stiffer prosecution or not.
It seems, however, that chances of the opposition to win the
confrontation are smaller now than they have ever been - unless the
powers-that-be make some fatal error, of course. Attempts to
consolidate the opposition failed. Irakly Alasania, formerly
representative of Georgia to the UN, seems bent on the talks with the
regime. His political allies (the Republican Party) pin their hopes on
the presidential election in 2013, as if recognizing pointlessness of
the confrontation at this time. Nino Burdzhanadze formerly of the
parliament of Georgia has her hands full with the court proceedings
concerning the mansion once received as a gift from Saakashvili (tax
services demand colossal sums for it now). Led by Gubaz Sanikidze and
Kaja Shartava, the National Forum launched a propagandistic campaign
in the provinces that have always been firmly pro-Saakashvili.
Ex-candidate for president Levan Gachechiladze founded the Movement
for Salvation of Georgia without saying what for or what he intended
to do with it. Konstantin Gamsakhurdia, the son of the first president
of Georgia, went public to say that he distrusted the opposition.
Shalva Natelashvili's Laborites had announced earlier that they
distrusted both the authorities and the opposition.
So, the Georgian opposition on the eve of the new political season is
split into autonomous parties and movements often working at cross
purposes. The regime in the meantime consolidates its positions. And
what about the Georgians? The Georgians are fed up - with the promises
of the powers-that-be to put things right and with the threats of the
opposition to make "Saakashvili's lying regime" history.
Source: Nezavisimaya Gazeta, No 173, August 19, 2009, p. 7