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  • Iranian expansion into South Caucasus

    WPS Agency, Russia
    DEFENSE and SECURITY (Russia)
    December 25, 2009 Friday


    IRANIAN EXPANSION INTO SOUTH CAUCASUS

    By Yuri Simonjan

    2010 WILL BE A YEAR OF IRANIAN POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC EXPANSION INTO
    THE SOUTH CAUCASUS; Offering all sorts of economic projects to the
    countries of the South Caucasus, Iran gradually develops political
    clout.

    Commenting on the efforts to have Abkhazia recognized by the
    international community, President Sergei Bagapsh said that official
    Sukhumi was closely working with the Middle East and Caribbean
    countries. "We maintain active contacts with Iran whose
    representatives actually visited Abkhazia. Besides, certain meetings
    were organized in Moscow," he said. "By and large, Iran is prepared to
    take part in economic processes in Abkhazia." The Abkhazian leader
    said, however, that recognition of the republic by Tehran was out of
    the question for the time being.

    As a matter of fact, this state of affairs suits Sukhumi fine. Tehran
    emulates the Turkish-Abkhazian arrangement - active economic contacts
    without political recognition. Considering that years of Georgian
    blockade left Abkhazia impoverished, importance of its economic ties
    with Turkey and Iran, each a serious regional player, cannot be
    overestimated.

    Political aspects of the arrangement, something Sukhumi does not
    comment on for the time being, are important as well. Should Turkey
    and Iran go for major investment projects indeed, this development
    will greatly allay Abkhazian fears to be assimilated by Russia, its
    powerful neighbor and primary patron.

    Turkey and Iran in their turn perceive Abkhazia as a convenient tool
    for political manipulations at all levels from the regional to the
    global - in the relations with Russia promoting Abkhazia and the
    United States supporting Georgia. Moreover, it is also a tool for
    maneuvering in the relations with Georgia itself and with Azerbaijan
    that experiences analogous problems. And even with Armenia, a country
    directly involved in the problems that exasperate Azerbaijan.

    Tehran's genuine interests in Abkhazia are not known at this time.
    Considering Iranian aspirations for regional leadership, however, they
    may turn out to be considerable indeed. Official Tehran reiterated its
    ambitions in the South Caucasus eighteen months ago when it proclaimed
    investments plans regarding Armenia and Georgia to the total amount of
    $4 billion. Yerevan was offered construction of a gas pipeline and
    power lines between the two countries, refinery, and connection of
    railroad networks. As for Tbilisi, it was merely promised $1 billion
    and told to use the money the way it saw fit. What with Georgia's
    special kind of relations with the United States, it was all Tehran
    could do.

    The Georgian authorities were spared the necessity to decide how to
    use the Iranian financial aid. Official Washington promptly made its
    displeasure known, reminded Tbilisi of its duties as America's
    partner, and strongly advised it to keep boycotting the Iranian
    regime. Point was taken.

    As a matter of fact, the United States was displeased even with the
    Armenian-Iranian cooperation but knew better than object or try to
    circumvent it. All but isolated from the rest of the world, Armenia
    would have ignored objections anyway. The joint plans Yerevan and
    Tehran charted were impressive but never proceeded beyond the gas
    pipeline and power lines. Armenian Minister of Transport and
    Communications Gurgen Sarkisjan said at the press conference last
    Tuesday that the Asian Bank of Development had loaned Armenia $1
    million for the feasibility study of a railroad to connect Armenia
    with Iran.

    Minister of Energy and Natural Resources Armen Movsesjan in the
    meantime reiterated firm resolve on the part of Armenia and Iran to
    bring the joint energy projects already launched to their logical
    conclusion. Movsesjan acknowledged that these projects had been
    impaired by "certain domestic political processes in Iran." The
    projects in question concerned construction of a pipeline from Tebriz
    in Iran to a refinery in the Armenian Yeraskh, said refinery to be
    built yet. "Work will begin next year," Movsesjan said.

    Putting out economic feelers and offering all sorts of projects to
    countries of the South Caucasus region, Iran developed sufficient
    clout that earned it an invitation to join political processes under
    way there. Eager to use the Iranian expansion to its own benefit,
    official Baku expressed willingness to see Tehran among intermediaries
    grappling with the problem of Nagorno-Karabakh. Azerbaijani Foreign
    Minister Elmar Mamedjarov met with his Iranian counterpart Manouchehr
    Mottaki in Tehran earlier this week. Once the meeting was over,
    Mottaki said Iran was ready for this mission.

    Azerbaijan clearly aimed to impress Turkey. Baku had been enraged by
    the signing of the Turkish-Armenian protocols on normalization which
    it condemned as treachery. The impression is that Azerbaijan no longer
    trusts Turkey's assurances of friendship. On the other hand, it should
    know that Iran cannot just up and become one of the intermediaries. At
    the very least, consent of the directly involved parties will be
    needed first, and perhaps even the consent of other intermediaries as
    well. These latter in the meantime include the United States, a
    country Iran is traditionally at odds with. Still, there is no law
    saying that there could be no parallel processes seeking a solution to
    the problem.

    Source: Nezavisimaya Gazeta, December 24, 2009, pp. 1, 6
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