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ANKARA: Obama And Change - But How?

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  • ANKARA: Obama And Change - But How?

    OBAMA AND CHANGE - BUT HOW?

    Journal of Turkish Weekly
    Jan 22 2009
    Turkey

    Barack Obama is officially the President of the United States. For
    nearly, two months not only the US, but also the world discussed
    his election, his team, and the change he would bring to the White
    House. After eight years of Republican control, the West Wing passed
    to the hands of Democrats again. The George W. Bush administration,
    lately condemned for all the evil faced by Americans and the World
    has been replaced with a young, vigorous administration associated
    with the banners of change and hope. Nevertheless, Obama inherited
    the economic recession, Iraq failure, rising tension with Iran and
    Russia, and rising anti-Americanism. Change will take place, yet its
    extent is unknown.

    The Reality and Expectations

    The first signals from Obama administration about change are that it
    will not come in an abrupt and radical way. The team of rivals does
    not propose a major change but rather offers a change in tone in short
    term or may be called a slow moving change in the long-term. Frankly,
    Obama is proposing a genuine change, because an abrupt change is not
    a genuine change. Moreover, he seems to know that the presidency is
    not a post from which to give orders but a position to convince and
    cooperate. His inclusion of republicans in his team and certain posts
    are evidence for his bipartisan approach. Some analysts even claim that
    he is moving to center. This bipartisan approach will ease passing the
    bills he needs to deal with the internal and external problems. Besides
    his bipartisan approach, his presidential popularity will help to
    get the support of republicans in a less painful process. Indeed,
    what he proposes is not radically different from the republicans.

    As most from the presidents do, Obama will probably focus on the
    domestic issues rather than foreign policy in the first several
    months. The main reason is of course his fresh presence in office and
    inexperience in foreign policy issues. This is not unique, for Obama is
    actually same as previous presidents who were inexperienced in foreign
    policy. For instance, Bill Clinton, a governor candidate, acted in a
    similar manner. Second, the primary expectation from him is to solve
    the economic problems, not the foreign policy issues. Moreover, the
    honey moon will end after a couple of months, and moving strategically
    necessitates using the bipartisan support credit wisely. Thus, the
    economy will be the cardinal issue in Obama's agenda, and the bills
    for the economic plan are the primary goal to attain.

    This will both help solve the major issues and have a spillover
    effect on the other issues. Besides, this provides extra time for
    the foreign policy issues that Obama probably will not and cannot
    change in a short time period, such as the troop withdrawal from Iraq
    and closure of the Guantanamo Bay. At least giving the orders and
    implementation are different from each other. First of all, Robert
    Gates did not endorse the 16-month plan, and asserted that putting
    time limits on the withdrawal is not wise. Moreover, it is hard to
    withdraw the troops from Iraq in such short time. Consequently, with
    the name of residual force or other tern it seems that the US will
    keep a certain number of troops in Iraq. On the other hand, the number
    of troops in Afghanistan along with the NATO powers will increase.

    Obama's National Security Advisor James L. Jones prioritizes
    Afghanistan and gives importance to shifting the War on Terror from
    Iraq to Southern Asia. He strongly claims that the primary frontier
    for the War on Terror is Afghanistan and the Iraq War was a total
    mistake. Obama's statements from the beginning of the campaign indicate
    his accordance with his advisor. This move makes the idea of sitting
    on the table with Iran and Syria more meaningful. The withdrawal
    necessitates the endorsement of neighbor countries in order to keep
    the region stable. These parameters may initiate a peace process
    between Syria and Israel in order to stabilize and secure the region.

    Turkey and the US' Relations - Change in the Main Discourse?

    These parameters also have an important role on relations with Turkey
    and the approach to the PKK issue. Turkey is an influential neighbor
    of Iraq and an important actor in the region that the US has to take
    into account for its interests in the region. Compare to Iran and
    Syria, Turkey is a democratic country andtherefore is a better role
    model for Iraqi government. Since the PKK is the primary obstacle to
    economic and political cooperation between the Iraqi administration and
    Turkey, a closer relationship between Turkey and the US against the
    PKK is expected, with a high possibility of troop withdrawal. Bush's
    declaration of the PKK as a terrorist organization and the sharing
    of intelligence between the US and Turkey were turning points in the
    bilateral relations. In the new term this cooperation may develop in
    depth and width with other issues. Thus, the Obama administration
    will maintain the existing policy of suggesting a solution between
    the Turkey and the Iraqi administration about the PKK problem and
    this may have a cooperative role in the elimination of PKK.

    On the Armenian issue, during the campaign Obama pledged to use
    unwelcomed phrases by the Turkish side on April 24th of 2009. Joe Biden
    as the Vice President and Nancy Pelosi as the Speaker of the House
    are to the Armenian Diaspora in the US. This means the likelihood
    of Armenian lobby's success is high. However, the advantageousness
    of this success to Armenia is questionable. Obama's statements on
    the issue will probably cause a reaction in the Turkish public and
    prevent, or at least delay, the normalization in bilateral relations
    between Turkey and Armenia.

    Turkey is willing to solve its problems with Armenia, and President
    Gul's visit for the soccer match under certain public pressure is a
    solid evidence for this willingness. Nonetheless, such statements
    will increase tension and will make harder for Turkish leaders to
    propose a rapprochement to Armenia under such public pressure. Thus,
    the unwelcomed statements will complicate the relations and reopening
    of the Turkish-Armenian border. As another factor, Obama will probably
    be informed and warned about the importance of Turkey. Thus, Obama as
    the chief diplomat may not be as blatant as he was in the presidential
    campaign. Or at least this administration may try to balance this
    with more favorable moves to Turkey about other issues. For instance
    the US may make major moves on the elimination of the PKK to please
    Turkey as a balancing issue in a likelihood of the compromises given
    to Armenian lobby. Yet, regarding both the PKK and Armenia issues,
    it will be wiser for Turkey to follow a pro-active foreign policy
    instead of waiting for Obama and his actions on issues.

    In short, Obama brings a moderate, slow-moving change, yet the hope
    lingers.
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