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Journal of Turkish Weekly, Turkey
Jan 25 2009
How Ergenekon evolved: the near past of a clandestine organization
ANKARA - Initial details about the Ergenekon terrorist organization
were published by Can Dündar, a columnist from the Milliyet
daily, and journalist Celal Kazda�Ÿl�± in
the book "Ergenekon," published in 1997. Although Dündar denies
the existence of the Ergenekon organization,
KazdaÃ?ŸlÃ? 2;± argues that the history of this
organization can be traced back to the early '90s.
Speaking to Today's Zaman, Kazda�Ÿl�±
comme nted on the emergence of Ergenekon, saying: "Ergenekon, which is
not defined as a state within the state or the "deep state,' is an
entity set up by the CIA in all NATO-member countries in the aftermath
of the Cold War. This was an American invention to fight against
communism. The organization, which did not rely on domestic
legislation, was referred to as Gladio in many NATO countries, but
while measures were taken against this sort of organization in these
countries, it remained influential in Turkey.
The Susurluk accident revealed the activities of this
organization. �°stanbul's Ziverbey Castle is where those
who tried organizing the March 9, 1971 coup and the intellectuals
supporting them were subjected to torture following a military memo
released on March 12, 1971. Gen. Memduh
Ã?Å`nlütürk was the commander of the Ziverbey
Castle. Those tortured there included �°lhan
Selçuk from the Cumhuriyet
daily. Ã?Å`nlütürk was the first military
officer to make mention of Ergenekon and provided brief details about
its organization."
Kazda�Ÿl 3;?± argues that the Susurluk
accident was an excellent opportunity to deal with the Ergenekon
investigation but that Turkey did not effectively capitalize on
it. Noting that those who survived the initial measures against the
organization took it to another dimension,
KazdaÃ?ŸlÃ?Â& #xB1; also notes that it was no
coincidence that the perpetrators of many murders committed after 1996
were all apprehended because of the "elimination of some parts of the
organization" during this period.
"The first serious assassination attempt made in Turkey after Nov. 3,
1996 targeted Human Rights Association [�°HD] President
Ak�±n Birdal.
The attackers, Bahri Eken and Kerem Deretarla, were detained shortly
after the attack. The perpetrators of most of the criminal acts,
including assault, murder and arson, were all apprehended. Suspects in
an attack on the Council of State, the Hrant Dink assassination, the
Father Santoro murder and the Malatya massacre were arrested shortly
after the incidents took place. However, such acts and offenses used
to remain unresolved before 1996. Retired Gen. Veli
Küçük was the first to arrive at the scene so as
to claim the body of Abdullah �atl�±, who died in
the car accident in Susurluk on Nov. 3, 1996."
KazdaÃ?ŸlÃ? ± said.
Kazda�Ÿl�± doubts that Ergenekon might
have deliberately been unveiled so that its leader could set up a
different organizational
structure. Kazda�Ÿl�± attributes this to
the Nationalist Movement Party's (MHP) eagerness to distance itself
from this organization, adding that leftist-nationalist circles are
feeling close to the new entity. Noting that leftist parties expended
much effort revealing the details of the Susurluk scandal because
�atl�± was known for his affiliation with the
MHP, Kazda�Ÿl�± also said: "Leftist
parties held that this illegal entity involved the nationalists
alone. They are now opposed to the ongoing investigation because this
illegal entity took a different shape and form after being named
Ergenekon."
Traces of Feb. 28
Turkey has started questioning the Feb. 28, 1997 postmodern coup now
that the Ergenekon investigation is under way because it has become
obvious that this organization played a determinative role in social
upheavals prior to the Feb. 28 process, which started with allegations
implying that the Welfare Party (RP)-True Path Party (DYP) coalition
government was not competent in dealing with religious fundamentalism.
Official visits by then Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan to Libya and
Nigeria raised tension in relations between the government and the
General Staff. Allegations were made indicating that military officers
discharged from the army were employed in municipalities run by RP
mayors. A fast-breaking dinner held with the participation of
religious leaders and sheiks at the official residence of the prime
minister, plans to build a mosque in �°stanbul's Taksim
Square and the re-conversion of the Hagia Sophia into a mosque
heralded a new era of fear.
A polemic between �°stanbul's Mayor of Sultanbeyli Nabi
Koçak and Gen. Do�Ÿu
SilahçÃ?&#x C2;±oÃ?Ÿlu, who asked for the
erection of a statue of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in the town,
increased the tension. After retiring from the military,
Silahç�±o&#x C3;?Ÿlu began working for the
Cumhuriyet daily as a columnist. In his last column before the
initiation of the Ergenekon investigation,
Silahç�± ;o�Ÿlu argued that it was no
longer possible to deal with the Justice and Development Party (AK
Party) while relying on democratic
methods. SilahçÃ?±oÃ?Å ¸lu has not
published any article in the paper since. High-ranking military
officers convened in G�¶lcük on Jan. 22, 1997 to
discuss whether religious fundamentalism had become influential in the
country. Labor and business unions, professional organizations and
trade associations began speaking out against the government. Women's
organizations held rallies to protest Shariah and promote
secularism. The General Staff started briefing members of the
judiciary, university rectors and journalists on religious
fundamentalism at its headquarters. The National Security Council
(MGK) made a number of decisions in its meeting on Feb. 28, 1997, and
presented them to Prime Minister Erbakan for approval. Erbakan was
forced to sign the decisions.
Erbakan subsequently resigned, handing over the prime ministry to his
coalition partner, Tansu Ã?iller. He presented the signatures of
270 deputies stating that they would vote for the suggested Cabinet to
President Süleyman Demirel, who was expected to ask
Ã?iller to form the Cabinet; however, surprisingly, he asked
Motherland Party (ANAP, now ANAVATAN) leader Mesut
Y�±lmaz to do so. The government formed by
Y�±lmaz was unable to get a vote of confidence in
Parliament. At this point, Demirel intervened in the process and asked
his confidants in the DYP to resign and join the Party for a
Democratic Turkey (DTP), founded by Hüsamettin Cindoruk,
thereby forming an alternative coalition government.
Why is Cindoruk serving as an advocate of Ergenekon?
The reason that former Parliament Speaker Hüsamettin Cindoruk,
who was removed from the political stage because of his role in the
Feb. 28 process, now serves as an advocate of Ergenekon may be found
in the works of the parliamentary commission set up to investigate
unresolved murders. Bing�¶l deputy Hüsamettin
Korkutata, who served on the commission at the time, comments on
Cindoruk's mission during this period: "The military commanders
obstructed our work. We failed to get depositions from the military
officers because they asked Parliament Speaker Cindoruk to block our
work. We had noticed the traces of Ergenekon in our work back
then. Some groups were committing offenses and the state was hiding
their actions. All were aware that these groups were working in
cooperation with PKK informants and that Veli
Küçük held a crucial position in the
organization. It has become evident that their only concern was money
and material gain, rather than national sentiments. The commission
members had to deal with obstructions by Chief of General Staff
Gen. DoÃ?Ÿan GüreÃ...Ÿ and other
high-ranking military commanders. We wanted to hear from some military
officers serving in the Special Warfare Unit in an attempt to get some
information about the murder of SavaÃ...Ÿ Buldan. Cindoruk
told us not to do this because the military was opposed to it."
The Western Study Group (BÃ?G) was another important entity that
came out of the Feb. 28 process. The group was formed within the naval
forces and assigned to collect information on fundamentalist
tendencies and actors within the state. The military has always denied
the existence of such an organization; however, a legal process was
initiated after Cpl. Kadir Sarmusak leaked information to the police
department. Sarmusak was acquitted by the military court, but the
military judges serving on the panel that ruled for Sarmusak's
acquittal were all discharged from the military.
Resolved murders still inspire unanswered questions
There haven't been any unresolved murders in Turkey since the
assassination of scientist Necip Hablemito�Ÿlu. This
implies that the perpetrators of murders since 2003 have either been
identified or caught; however, there are also murders that have
remained a mystery despite their perpetrators having been
identified. These include the murders of Ã?`zdemir
Sabanc�±, Hrant Dink and Father Andrea Santoro and the
attack on the Zirve publishing house in Malatya.
Sabanc�±'s murderer was identified at the last
moment. He was murdered by Revolutionary People's Liberation
Party/Front (DHKP/C) militants Mustafa Duyar, Ismail Akkol and Fehriye
Erdal on Jan. 9, 1996.
Duyar turned himself in at the Turkish Embassy in Damascus on Jan. 6,
1997. Duyar, who confessed the details of how they committed the
murder, said Erdal, an employee at the Sabanc�± Business
Center, confused the rooms. Duyar also said: "The target was
Sak�±p Sabanc�±. Because of the mix-up,
�`zdemir Sabanc�± and Haluk
G�¶rgün were murdered." The murder was seemingly
resolved; however, subsequent developments have inspired new questions
that remain unanswered.
Duyar was murdered in prison by the men of Vedat and Nuri Ergin, also
known as the Karagümrük gang, on Feb. 15, 1999. Erdal
was seized in Belgium on Oct. 27, 1999; however, she was never
extradited to Turkey. She is still at large, wanted by the Belgian
authorities.
In a book titled "Code," Zihni �ak�±r argued that
Sabanc�±'s murder was organized by Abdullah
�atl�±, Hüseyin Kocada�Ÿ and
military officer Hüseyin Pepekal. The book also argues that
Erdal and Duyar were both used by intelligence units.
Mystery surrounding Hrant Dink murder
The perpetrators of the murder of Dink, a Turkish journalist of
Armenian descent, were apprehended shortly after the incident on
Jan. 19, 2007. It quickly became evident that the murder was committed
by Ogun Samast from Trabzon, but police informant Erhan Tuncel had
warned security forces of the planned murder months before.
This murder, which was committed in �°stanbul, also
pointed to something happening in the city of Trabzon, where Father
Santoro had been assassinated. First, military officers serving in the
provincial military unit were removed from office. Regional
Gendarmerie Commander Col. Ali Ã?`z was reassigned to
Bilecik. An investigation has only recently been launched into Ramazan
Akyürek, chairman of the Trabzon Police Department's
Intelligence Unit.
Ã?`z spoke before the parliamentary Commission on Human Rights,
where he expressed concern for his life, adding that he would not
testify.
Prosecutors investigating the Dink murder demanded that the General
Staff hand over the ongoing investigation into Ã?`z; however,
the General Staff did not comply with the request. Ã?`z was
later assigned to General Staff headquarters. CoÃ...Ÿkun
�° 3;?Ÿci, uncle by marriage of Yasin Hayal,
who incited Samast to commit the murder, reportedly notified
gendarmerie Sgt. VeyÃ...Ÿel Ã...Â?ahin of the
murder beforehand; however, Col. Ã?`z recommended that
�°�Ÿci not discuss such topics. As the
arguments suggesting that intelligence about the murder was
deliberately overlooked have become stronger, inquiries have been made
to reveal Ã?`z's past.
Col. Ã?`z was allegedly involved in the Ulucanlar Prison
operation, which occurred when he was serving under Ankara Provincial
Gendarmerie Commander Col. Kemal Bayalan. Ten inmates were killed
during the operation in September 1999. Ã?`z was the first to
arrive at the crime scene where Professor Ahmet Taner
KÃ?±Ã...Ÿlal Ã?± was
murdered. These may be coincidences; however, Turkey's recent past
suggests that this sort of coincidence is unlikely.
The report prepared by the Prime Ministry Inspection Board with regard
to the Dink murder stressed that there were many vague points
requiring clarification and that public authorities had made grave
mistakes. For this reason, permission for a thorough investigation
into Akyürek has been granted.
The brutal incident in which Necati Ayd�±n, Tilmann
Geske and U�Ÿur Yüksel were brutally murdered in
Malatya was seemingly resolved. Even though the perpetrators have been
apprehended, further investigation has revealed that there are still
ambiguities in the case and that there may have been other actors
involved.
Sa�Ÿlar: There are 17,547 unresolved murders
Fikri Sa�Ÿlar, a member of the parliamentary commission
set up to investigate the Susurluk incident, which revealed
connections and cooperation between the police, politicians and
criminal gangs, argues that there are 17,547 unresolved murders in
Turkey. Noting that members of parliamentary commissions investigating
these murders have had to deal with many obstacles,
Sa�Ÿlar also said, "Three of my friends who were trying
to shed light on these murders were killed."
Stressing that the work of these commissions was obstructed by an
"invisible hand," Sa�Ÿlar says illegal entities within
the state were responsible for most of these murders. Emphasizing that
the Gladio-like organization founded in Turkey during the Cold War era
was the major actor in a number of unresolved murders and social
disturbances, Sa�Ÿlar argues that while most NATO
countries got rid of their Gladios, Turkey failed to follow the same
path.
Noting that these commissions have prepared excellent reports
resolving the plots staged by shadowy actors in Turkey but that the
political administrations have failed to implement their
recommendations, Sa�Ÿlar says the Ergenekon
investigation is Turkey's last chance to purge the state of illegal
entities. "If the report prepared by the Susurluk commission and those
written up by the parliamentary commission for unresolved murders had
been considered by the prosecutors and the political administrations,
maybe we would not be talking about Ergenekon today. For this reason,
the prosecutors in the Ergenekon case should carefully review these
two reports. Both reports have clues and information about the deep
state. If these clues are traced, the illegal entities within the
state may be effectively eliminated. If we do not use this chance, we
will come back to the same point 10 years later," he explains.
By ERCAN YAVUZ ANKARA
Sunday, 25 January 2009
Source: TZ
Jan 25 2009
How Ergenekon evolved: the near past of a clandestine organization
ANKARA - Initial details about the Ergenekon terrorist organization
were published by Can Dündar, a columnist from the Milliyet
daily, and journalist Celal Kazda�Ÿl�± in
the book "Ergenekon," published in 1997. Although Dündar denies
the existence of the Ergenekon organization,
KazdaÃ?ŸlÃ? 2;± argues that the history of this
organization can be traced back to the early '90s.
Speaking to Today's Zaman, Kazda�Ÿl�±
comme nted on the emergence of Ergenekon, saying: "Ergenekon, which is
not defined as a state within the state or the "deep state,' is an
entity set up by the CIA in all NATO-member countries in the aftermath
of the Cold War. This was an American invention to fight against
communism. The organization, which did not rely on domestic
legislation, was referred to as Gladio in many NATO countries, but
while measures were taken against this sort of organization in these
countries, it remained influential in Turkey.
The Susurluk accident revealed the activities of this
organization. �°stanbul's Ziverbey Castle is where those
who tried organizing the March 9, 1971 coup and the intellectuals
supporting them were subjected to torture following a military memo
released on March 12, 1971. Gen. Memduh
Ã?Å`nlütürk was the commander of the Ziverbey
Castle. Those tortured there included �°lhan
Selçuk from the Cumhuriyet
daily. Ã?Å`nlütürk was the first military
officer to make mention of Ergenekon and provided brief details about
its organization."
Kazda�Ÿl 3;?± argues that the Susurluk
accident was an excellent opportunity to deal with the Ergenekon
investigation but that Turkey did not effectively capitalize on
it. Noting that those who survived the initial measures against the
organization took it to another dimension,
KazdaÃ?ŸlÃ?Â& #xB1; also notes that it was no
coincidence that the perpetrators of many murders committed after 1996
were all apprehended because of the "elimination of some parts of the
organization" during this period.
"The first serious assassination attempt made in Turkey after Nov. 3,
1996 targeted Human Rights Association [�°HD] President
Ak�±n Birdal.
The attackers, Bahri Eken and Kerem Deretarla, were detained shortly
after the attack. The perpetrators of most of the criminal acts,
including assault, murder and arson, were all apprehended. Suspects in
an attack on the Council of State, the Hrant Dink assassination, the
Father Santoro murder and the Malatya massacre were arrested shortly
after the incidents took place. However, such acts and offenses used
to remain unresolved before 1996. Retired Gen. Veli
Küçük was the first to arrive at the scene so as
to claim the body of Abdullah �atl�±, who died in
the car accident in Susurluk on Nov. 3, 1996."
KazdaÃ?ŸlÃ? ± said.
Kazda�Ÿl�± doubts that Ergenekon might
have deliberately been unveiled so that its leader could set up a
different organizational
structure. Kazda�Ÿl�± attributes this to
the Nationalist Movement Party's (MHP) eagerness to distance itself
from this organization, adding that leftist-nationalist circles are
feeling close to the new entity. Noting that leftist parties expended
much effort revealing the details of the Susurluk scandal because
�atl�± was known for his affiliation with the
MHP, Kazda�Ÿl�± also said: "Leftist
parties held that this illegal entity involved the nationalists
alone. They are now opposed to the ongoing investigation because this
illegal entity took a different shape and form after being named
Ergenekon."
Traces of Feb. 28
Turkey has started questioning the Feb. 28, 1997 postmodern coup now
that the Ergenekon investigation is under way because it has become
obvious that this organization played a determinative role in social
upheavals prior to the Feb. 28 process, which started with allegations
implying that the Welfare Party (RP)-True Path Party (DYP) coalition
government was not competent in dealing with religious fundamentalism.
Official visits by then Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan to Libya and
Nigeria raised tension in relations between the government and the
General Staff. Allegations were made indicating that military officers
discharged from the army were employed in municipalities run by RP
mayors. A fast-breaking dinner held with the participation of
religious leaders and sheiks at the official residence of the prime
minister, plans to build a mosque in �°stanbul's Taksim
Square and the re-conversion of the Hagia Sophia into a mosque
heralded a new era of fear.
A polemic between �°stanbul's Mayor of Sultanbeyli Nabi
Koçak and Gen. Do�Ÿu
SilahçÃ?&#x C2;±oÃ?Ÿlu, who asked for the
erection of a statue of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in the town,
increased the tension. After retiring from the military,
Silahç�±o&#x C3;?Ÿlu began working for the
Cumhuriyet daily as a columnist. In his last column before the
initiation of the Ergenekon investigation,
Silahç�± ;o�Ÿlu argued that it was no
longer possible to deal with the Justice and Development Party (AK
Party) while relying on democratic
methods. SilahçÃ?±oÃ?Å ¸lu has not
published any article in the paper since. High-ranking military
officers convened in G�¶lcük on Jan. 22, 1997 to
discuss whether religious fundamentalism had become influential in the
country. Labor and business unions, professional organizations and
trade associations began speaking out against the government. Women's
organizations held rallies to protest Shariah and promote
secularism. The General Staff started briefing members of the
judiciary, university rectors and journalists on religious
fundamentalism at its headquarters. The National Security Council
(MGK) made a number of decisions in its meeting on Feb. 28, 1997, and
presented them to Prime Minister Erbakan for approval. Erbakan was
forced to sign the decisions.
Erbakan subsequently resigned, handing over the prime ministry to his
coalition partner, Tansu Ã?iller. He presented the signatures of
270 deputies stating that they would vote for the suggested Cabinet to
President Süleyman Demirel, who was expected to ask
Ã?iller to form the Cabinet; however, surprisingly, he asked
Motherland Party (ANAP, now ANAVATAN) leader Mesut
Y�±lmaz to do so. The government formed by
Y�±lmaz was unable to get a vote of confidence in
Parliament. At this point, Demirel intervened in the process and asked
his confidants in the DYP to resign and join the Party for a
Democratic Turkey (DTP), founded by Hüsamettin Cindoruk,
thereby forming an alternative coalition government.
Why is Cindoruk serving as an advocate of Ergenekon?
The reason that former Parliament Speaker Hüsamettin Cindoruk,
who was removed from the political stage because of his role in the
Feb. 28 process, now serves as an advocate of Ergenekon may be found
in the works of the parliamentary commission set up to investigate
unresolved murders. Bing�¶l deputy Hüsamettin
Korkutata, who served on the commission at the time, comments on
Cindoruk's mission during this period: "The military commanders
obstructed our work. We failed to get depositions from the military
officers because they asked Parliament Speaker Cindoruk to block our
work. We had noticed the traces of Ergenekon in our work back
then. Some groups were committing offenses and the state was hiding
their actions. All were aware that these groups were working in
cooperation with PKK informants and that Veli
Küçük held a crucial position in the
organization. It has become evident that their only concern was money
and material gain, rather than national sentiments. The commission
members had to deal with obstructions by Chief of General Staff
Gen. DoÃ?Ÿan GüreÃ...Ÿ and other
high-ranking military commanders. We wanted to hear from some military
officers serving in the Special Warfare Unit in an attempt to get some
information about the murder of SavaÃ...Ÿ Buldan. Cindoruk
told us not to do this because the military was opposed to it."
The Western Study Group (BÃ?G) was another important entity that
came out of the Feb. 28 process. The group was formed within the naval
forces and assigned to collect information on fundamentalist
tendencies and actors within the state. The military has always denied
the existence of such an organization; however, a legal process was
initiated after Cpl. Kadir Sarmusak leaked information to the police
department. Sarmusak was acquitted by the military court, but the
military judges serving on the panel that ruled for Sarmusak's
acquittal were all discharged from the military.
Resolved murders still inspire unanswered questions
There haven't been any unresolved murders in Turkey since the
assassination of scientist Necip Hablemito�Ÿlu. This
implies that the perpetrators of murders since 2003 have either been
identified or caught; however, there are also murders that have
remained a mystery despite their perpetrators having been
identified. These include the murders of Ã?`zdemir
Sabanc�±, Hrant Dink and Father Andrea Santoro and the
attack on the Zirve publishing house in Malatya.
Sabanc�±'s murderer was identified at the last
moment. He was murdered by Revolutionary People's Liberation
Party/Front (DHKP/C) militants Mustafa Duyar, Ismail Akkol and Fehriye
Erdal on Jan. 9, 1996.
Duyar turned himself in at the Turkish Embassy in Damascus on Jan. 6,
1997. Duyar, who confessed the details of how they committed the
murder, said Erdal, an employee at the Sabanc�± Business
Center, confused the rooms. Duyar also said: "The target was
Sak�±p Sabanc�±. Because of the mix-up,
�`zdemir Sabanc�± and Haluk
G�¶rgün were murdered." The murder was seemingly
resolved; however, subsequent developments have inspired new questions
that remain unanswered.
Duyar was murdered in prison by the men of Vedat and Nuri Ergin, also
known as the Karagümrük gang, on Feb. 15, 1999. Erdal
was seized in Belgium on Oct. 27, 1999; however, she was never
extradited to Turkey. She is still at large, wanted by the Belgian
authorities.
In a book titled "Code," Zihni �ak�±r argued that
Sabanc�±'s murder was organized by Abdullah
�atl�±, Hüseyin Kocada�Ÿ and
military officer Hüseyin Pepekal. The book also argues that
Erdal and Duyar were both used by intelligence units.
Mystery surrounding Hrant Dink murder
The perpetrators of the murder of Dink, a Turkish journalist of
Armenian descent, were apprehended shortly after the incident on
Jan. 19, 2007. It quickly became evident that the murder was committed
by Ogun Samast from Trabzon, but police informant Erhan Tuncel had
warned security forces of the planned murder months before.
This murder, which was committed in �°stanbul, also
pointed to something happening in the city of Trabzon, where Father
Santoro had been assassinated. First, military officers serving in the
provincial military unit were removed from office. Regional
Gendarmerie Commander Col. Ali Ã?`z was reassigned to
Bilecik. An investigation has only recently been launched into Ramazan
Akyürek, chairman of the Trabzon Police Department's
Intelligence Unit.
Ã?`z spoke before the parliamentary Commission on Human Rights,
where he expressed concern for his life, adding that he would not
testify.
Prosecutors investigating the Dink murder demanded that the General
Staff hand over the ongoing investigation into Ã?`z; however,
the General Staff did not comply with the request. Ã?`z was
later assigned to General Staff headquarters. CoÃ...Ÿkun
�° 3;?Ÿci, uncle by marriage of Yasin Hayal,
who incited Samast to commit the murder, reportedly notified
gendarmerie Sgt. VeyÃ...Ÿel Ã...Â?ahin of the
murder beforehand; however, Col. Ã?`z recommended that
�°�Ÿci not discuss such topics. As the
arguments suggesting that intelligence about the murder was
deliberately overlooked have become stronger, inquiries have been made
to reveal Ã?`z's past.
Col. Ã?`z was allegedly involved in the Ulucanlar Prison
operation, which occurred when he was serving under Ankara Provincial
Gendarmerie Commander Col. Kemal Bayalan. Ten inmates were killed
during the operation in September 1999. Ã?`z was the first to
arrive at the crime scene where Professor Ahmet Taner
KÃ?±Ã...Ÿlal Ã?± was
murdered. These may be coincidences; however, Turkey's recent past
suggests that this sort of coincidence is unlikely.
The report prepared by the Prime Ministry Inspection Board with regard
to the Dink murder stressed that there were many vague points
requiring clarification and that public authorities had made grave
mistakes. For this reason, permission for a thorough investigation
into Akyürek has been granted.
The brutal incident in which Necati Ayd�±n, Tilmann
Geske and U�Ÿur Yüksel were brutally murdered in
Malatya was seemingly resolved. Even though the perpetrators have been
apprehended, further investigation has revealed that there are still
ambiguities in the case and that there may have been other actors
involved.
Sa�Ÿlar: There are 17,547 unresolved murders
Fikri Sa�Ÿlar, a member of the parliamentary commission
set up to investigate the Susurluk incident, which revealed
connections and cooperation between the police, politicians and
criminal gangs, argues that there are 17,547 unresolved murders in
Turkey. Noting that members of parliamentary commissions investigating
these murders have had to deal with many obstacles,
Sa�Ÿlar also said, "Three of my friends who were trying
to shed light on these murders were killed."
Stressing that the work of these commissions was obstructed by an
"invisible hand," Sa�Ÿlar says illegal entities within
the state were responsible for most of these murders. Emphasizing that
the Gladio-like organization founded in Turkey during the Cold War era
was the major actor in a number of unresolved murders and social
disturbances, Sa�Ÿlar argues that while most NATO
countries got rid of their Gladios, Turkey failed to follow the same
path.
Noting that these commissions have prepared excellent reports
resolving the plots staged by shadowy actors in Turkey but that the
political administrations have failed to implement their
recommendations, Sa�Ÿlar says the Ergenekon
investigation is Turkey's last chance to purge the state of illegal
entities. "If the report prepared by the Susurluk commission and those
written up by the parliamentary commission for unresolved murders had
been considered by the prosecutors and the political administrations,
maybe we would not be talking about Ergenekon today. For this reason,
the prosecutors in the Ergenekon case should carefully review these
two reports. Both reports have clues and information about the deep
state. If these clues are traced, the illegal entities within the
state may be effectively eliminated. If we do not use this chance, we
will come back to the same point 10 years later," he explains.
By ERCAN YAVUZ ANKARA
Sunday, 25 January 2009
Source: TZ