Tweet
FADIA KIWAN, "IN THE ABSENCE OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS FUNCTIONING AS THEY SHOULD, POLITICAL CIRCULATION IS DIFFICULT AND FAMILY SUCCESSIONS ARE FAVORED"
By Laurence Escorneboueu
iloubnan.info
July 06, 2009, 17h09
Interview
On June 10, Fadia Kiwan, head of the Institute of Political Sciences
at Universite Saint Joseph (USJ) takes a look at the June 7 elections:
the voters' behavior and political circulation the Lebanese way. The
day following this interview, Michel Aoun suggested that the third veto
power should be given to the President by constitutional amendment.
iloubnan.info: Is the Christian vote in these elections comparable
to that of the Armenian vote, a vote of opinion, based on purely
political disagreements?
Fadia Kiwan: Yes absolutely, but we must add that even among Arab
Christians, there was in the background, the concern to "recover
their place" in the Lebanese political system. So it was a strategic
sectarian issue, but it wasn't the cause of their division.
Christians are divided into two leaderships. The traditional parties,
which had militias in action during the war, and General Aoun's
leadership, instigator of a change which is ... relative to the
extent that in his party, there are people who are little known
in the political circles and individuals from politically famous
traditional family.
As we are talking about change and of political families ... What
do you think about the decrease in the number of women elected to
parliament this year, in comparison to the previous parliament?
In 2005, 6 women were elected by traditional channels; almost all
of them belong to traditional families, more or less involved in
politics. In 2009, the same thing happened.
One thing that the West misunderstands, is that here, when a political
family suffers the loss of one of its members, people easily accept
that he gets replaced with a member of its family (political family
or birth family).Political assassinations have led to compassion
and collective memory leads to reproductions. Moreover, elections
in Lebanon have always been held in exceptional situations, with
decisive emotional factors. If a person is murdered, a political
struggle against his family will not be easily accepted.
Moreover, the 2009 campaign for the parliamentary elections was as a
campaign for the dead, everywhere, pictures of dead people, militia
songs, and young people honoring the memory of those who died!
There are two things which must now be taken in consideration First,
despite the traditional resurgence, it is now less easy for those
who are in politics, to bring their children on the political scene.
Then, those who played a political role at crucial moments in the
history of Lebanon have received a huge recognition of their leadership
that lasted over more than one generation. I am not trying to justify
but to explain. We can speak of feudalism; but "some fathers" have
played major roles at crucial moments like the formation of modern
Lebanon, the country's independence and the departure of the Syrians
troops.
Isn't it inadequate to have children, brothers replacing their father
or their uncle?
In the case of maintaining a political influence beyond the person
who played a key role, then yes we can say that it is inadequate. But
political change seems difficult, in the absence of fair functioning
of political institutions, and the wide promotion of family dynasties.
How to take part in this political circulation?
In addition to the family successions, there are two other
ways. The other option is the possession of substantial economic
resources. Moreover, having a privileged position in the economic
system gives access to politics.
The third access channel is the partisan channel. Cases are becoming
more numerous, in Hezbollah, Amal, in the Syrian Nationalist Social
Party, in the Lebanese Communist Party, and increasingly also in the
Free Patriotic Movement and the Kataeb, always with the collaboration
or preponderance of famous political families.
Are there any probable changes concerning this third channel?
There is indeed a slow change, family successions are less and less
automatic, and people are becoming more vigilant, distrustful, and
critical. There are more and more party officials from a partisan
background.
The parties are also relatively weak in their structures; there should
be a legal frame to resolve operational issues. Only a law introducing
proportionality would allow changes.
How do you think the future government will be formed?
There are 3 possibilities.
Either the government will bring together leaders of the 1st rank
and, in this case we'll have a copy of the national dialogue as
the executive power. This is the best form, although in this case,
the substantive issues should be deferred. But it is possible in an
international climate eased by Obama's position who defused the bomb
with Iran, and the rapprochement between Syria and Saudi Arabia.
Either we'll have a government of technocrats in charge of the
transition, or we'll have a government similar to the previous one,
that should solve problems related to the veto of the opposition,
to its guarantees, and to the role of President...
Several things are related: First, to achieve power, we should open the
way to alliances. Then no one can go against Article 95 of the Lebanese
Constitution, which states that "during the interim period: communities
will be fairly represented in government formation." Finally,
if Hezbollah did not win the election, their sacrifices should
nevertheless be taken into account and more seats should be given
for Shiites in the government. Our lack of consideration towards that
community will have to be expensively paid
By Laurence Escorneboueu
iloubnan.info
July 06, 2009, 17h09
Interview
On June 10, Fadia Kiwan, head of the Institute of Political Sciences
at Universite Saint Joseph (USJ) takes a look at the June 7 elections:
the voters' behavior and political circulation the Lebanese way. The
day following this interview, Michel Aoun suggested that the third veto
power should be given to the President by constitutional amendment.
iloubnan.info: Is the Christian vote in these elections comparable
to that of the Armenian vote, a vote of opinion, based on purely
political disagreements?
Fadia Kiwan: Yes absolutely, but we must add that even among Arab
Christians, there was in the background, the concern to "recover
their place" in the Lebanese political system. So it was a strategic
sectarian issue, but it wasn't the cause of their division.
Christians are divided into two leaderships. The traditional parties,
which had militias in action during the war, and General Aoun's
leadership, instigator of a change which is ... relative to the
extent that in his party, there are people who are little known
in the political circles and individuals from politically famous
traditional family.
As we are talking about change and of political families ... What
do you think about the decrease in the number of women elected to
parliament this year, in comparison to the previous parliament?
In 2005, 6 women were elected by traditional channels; almost all
of them belong to traditional families, more or less involved in
politics. In 2009, the same thing happened.
One thing that the West misunderstands, is that here, when a political
family suffers the loss of one of its members, people easily accept
that he gets replaced with a member of its family (political family
or birth family).Political assassinations have led to compassion
and collective memory leads to reproductions. Moreover, elections
in Lebanon have always been held in exceptional situations, with
decisive emotional factors. If a person is murdered, a political
struggle against his family will not be easily accepted.
Moreover, the 2009 campaign for the parliamentary elections was as a
campaign for the dead, everywhere, pictures of dead people, militia
songs, and young people honoring the memory of those who died!
There are two things which must now be taken in consideration First,
despite the traditional resurgence, it is now less easy for those
who are in politics, to bring their children on the political scene.
Then, those who played a political role at crucial moments in the
history of Lebanon have received a huge recognition of their leadership
that lasted over more than one generation. I am not trying to justify
but to explain. We can speak of feudalism; but "some fathers" have
played major roles at crucial moments like the formation of modern
Lebanon, the country's independence and the departure of the Syrians
troops.
Isn't it inadequate to have children, brothers replacing their father
or their uncle?
In the case of maintaining a political influence beyond the person
who played a key role, then yes we can say that it is inadequate. But
political change seems difficult, in the absence of fair functioning
of political institutions, and the wide promotion of family dynasties.
How to take part in this political circulation?
In addition to the family successions, there are two other
ways. The other option is the possession of substantial economic
resources. Moreover, having a privileged position in the economic
system gives access to politics.
The third access channel is the partisan channel. Cases are becoming
more numerous, in Hezbollah, Amal, in the Syrian Nationalist Social
Party, in the Lebanese Communist Party, and increasingly also in the
Free Patriotic Movement and the Kataeb, always with the collaboration
or preponderance of famous political families.
Are there any probable changes concerning this third channel?
There is indeed a slow change, family successions are less and less
automatic, and people are becoming more vigilant, distrustful, and
critical. There are more and more party officials from a partisan
background.
The parties are also relatively weak in their structures; there should
be a legal frame to resolve operational issues. Only a law introducing
proportionality would allow changes.
How do you think the future government will be formed?
There are 3 possibilities.
Either the government will bring together leaders of the 1st rank
and, in this case we'll have a copy of the national dialogue as
the executive power. This is the best form, although in this case,
the substantive issues should be deferred. But it is possible in an
international climate eased by Obama's position who defused the bomb
with Iran, and the rapprochement between Syria and Saudi Arabia.
Either we'll have a government of technocrats in charge of the
transition, or we'll have a government similar to the previous one,
that should solve problems related to the veto of the opposition,
to its guarantees, and to the role of President...
Several things are related: First, to achieve power, we should open the
way to alliances. Then no one can go against Article 95 of the Lebanese
Constitution, which states that "during the interim period: communities
will be fairly represented in government formation." Finally,
if Hezbollah did not win the election, their sacrifices should
nevertheless be taken into account and more seats should be given
for Shiites in the government. Our lack of consideration towards that
community will have to be expensively paid