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Hurriyet, Turkey
June 6 2009
In a fast shrinking world of their own
ISTANBUL - The rise of the religious class and the AKP's hold on power
has Turkey's traditional elites on the defensive and feeling like
their role as upholders of Republican values is being usurped,
according to research based on interviews with the former movers and
shakers.
Elites in Turkey are shocked and angry about the ascent of the
religious class, and while they say they feel an affiliation with the
country's non-Muslim minorities, they admit ignorance of their
problems, new research has revealed.
The research, supported by the Open Society Foundation, was conducted
via interviews with 21 women and 19 men over the age of 18.
The aim was to catch a glimpse of perceptions of people who graduated
from prestigious high schools and universities, who have high levels
of income and status in their profession and in society, and see
themselves as carriers of secular, Republican values. The research
concentrated in three areas: the group's outlook on Islamic circles,
non-Muslim minorities as defined by the Lausanne Treaty, and the
Kurds.
Among the factors that triggered the research were heated debates
within e-mail groups about the ruling Justice and Development Party,
or AKP, the murder of Armenian Turkish journalist Hrant Dink, and
developments in the Kurdish issue. These debates have polarized groups
of people who joined e-mail groups because they believed they shared
the same values.
Researchers Füsun Ã`stel and Birol Caymaz, both from
Galatasaray University, said their research does not carry the
ambition of explaining the outlook of the whole group concerned but
aims to give some clues to certain tendencies. According to the
findings, there is clear-cut irritation against the ascent of the
Islamic circles often identified in the AKP. They are shocked by the
increasing presence and visibility of these groups in society as well
as in the administration.
"One day they opened their windows, and they saw people with
headscarves everywhere," said Caymaz. According to the researchers,
this group, which has monopolized the modernization process of Turkey
and see themselves as the carriers of Republican values, feels
increasingly insecure and in the minority amid the growth of the
"newcomers."
They are convinced that there is an unfair "invasion-occupation" of
what they believe belongs to them, he said.
"They are dismayed by the Turkey they see, and they are angry," said
Ã`stel.
Most who see themselves as representatives of modernity believe
Turkey's progress stopped with the ascent of the AKP government, which
in turn has led to "modernization nostalgia," a term used by Esra
Ã-zyürek, another researcher whose analysis is quoted in the
research. According to Ã-zyürek, "modern Kemalists believe
there is a collapse of modernity in Turkey and to be modern again they
want to go back to some characteristics of the 1930s."
Anger against the AKP, the headscarf issue and the Islamic lifestyle
also stems from the fear that the elites' monopoly over Turkey's
economic and political life is threatened by another group, said
Ã-zyürek.
In this respect most of the interviewees said they are convinced the
AKP is a political structure founded against the Republican secular
system. The research showed that the general view among them is that
the AKP should be closed. Although most have voiced skepticism of the
democratic characteristic of party closures, when it comes to the AKP
they seem to prefer such a solution, concluded the researchers. The
researchers have also seen that most do not see a regime problem in
Turkey, instead they complain about the increasing conservatism that
has gained impetus under the AKP government.
Janet, 43, a graduate of Austrian Lycee and BoÄ?aziçi
University, believes Turkey could become like Iran and Malaysia, and
Ayla, 40, said openly that she is scared. "I have two daughters. One
of their friends was not allowed on a bus because her dress was found
to be too revealing," said Ayla. "If something like that happens in
Ankara, I fear that worse pressure is exerted in small towns." All
names of interviewees have been changed.
Melek, 47, voiced her concern on cronyism: "In the past there was
cronyism, too, but it included people like us, so we did not feel it
so much. Now there are different people involved in the cronyism, and
therefore we are more aware of it. Those who have been on the fringes
of society have suddenly got hold of power. This is dangerous. When
you look at the AKP cadres, they are those who have been oppressed
until now and who never had this chance before."
The research showed that the young generations are less radical in
their criticism against the AKP compared with their elders. Cansu, 23,
does not share what she calls "the paranoia that Shariah law will
come," but she believes that the AKP is trying to impose a lifestyle
based on religious references. "There are many bureaucrats whose wives
wear veils," she said as an example.
Lausanne minorities
When it comes to the perceptions concerning non-Muslims, the
researchers describe their observation of the situation as "a romantic
relationship." Most in this group have a non-Muslim colleague or
friend, but there is a lack of awareness of the problems they face.
The murder of Armenian journalist Hrant Dink has polarized the elites,
as some only became aware of minorities' problems when debates erupted
following Dink's assassination. According to interviewee Begüm,
problems became apparent after the murder, but "until then there was
nothing."
According to the researchers, there is a rising rhetoric of
multiculturalism among the elites, which is also tainted by nostalgic
feelings of the past when the number of non-Muslims was bigger. "Most
see it as a richness to be protected," said Ã`stel.
But they are unaware of the discrimination that minorities face. "I
don't know whether a Turk in Germany is better off then a Jew in
Turkey," said Neveser, 51, who believed minorities have no problem in
Turkey. But she admits her ignorance when reminded that except state
universities, minority members are excluded from public offices. "Do
they really want? I don't know. I am quiet ignorant on the subject,"
she said.
Meanwhile, some perceive non-Muslim minority members as "local
foreigners." When asked about the obligation to have a Turkish deputy
lead the administration of minority schools, Ali, 23, who graduated
from Dame De Sion High School and the University of Galatasaray, said:
"Maybe this is to decrease the perception of the threat of foreigners
in Turkey. Maybe this is done so that education is not out of the
control of the Turks."
Sevcan, 38, of Kadıköy Anadolu Lisesi, said she does not
believe that there are discriminatory policies against minorities. To
the contrary, she said she believes they are selling the country.
Ending the silence on discussing minority problems ends in itself with
rising nationalist tendencies. Ali, 23, said he has no problems with
Armenian friends whom he went to school with since childhood. But he
recalled an Armenian who joined Dame de Sion High School after having
attended a minority school and the negative experience they had. "He
and his other Armenian friends who went to minority schools had a
harder stance toward us. They were blaming us. Then I thought
education must be truly national. What is the function of an Armenian
school? An Armenian can come to school with me and go to learn
Armenian at night."
When it comes to Kurds, the perception of the elites carries striking
differences compared to their perceptions of non-Muslim
minorities. First, in contrast to the interaction that elites had with
members of minorities, Kurds are absent in their lives. There is a
problem of proximity, according to the researchers, since there is low
probability for the physical presence of Kurds in a group that has
graduated from "prestigious institutions" with high-level
income. Leyla, 30, does not recall having a Kurdish friend. "I heard
nothing like, 'I am a Kurd.' I don't know," she said. "It's not
written on their face."
Lack of awareness
Mine, 51, only became aware of Kurds due to the "PKK problem," or the
outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party. "I never questioned whether someone
was Turkish or Kurdish," she said.
The elites see the Kurds as the backward part of society, according to
the researchers. DoÄ?an, who is a graduate of Robert College and
BoÄ?aziçi University, said he does not like Kurds because
they still live a tribal life.
The lack of awareness stems from the denial of Kurdish identity in the
official discourse, according to the researchers. This, in turn, led
many elites to believe that the "Kurdish problem" is engineered from
abroad. According to Ebru, 23, who graduated from Ä°zmir
American College, the Kurdish issue is an issue definitely provoked by
the United States and Europe.
"As far as nationalism is concerned there is not much difference
between the elites and the ordinary person," said Ã`stel. "Maybe
their discourse is less violent when compared with the ordinary man on
the street." The tendency to avoid and ignore different identities in
society stems largely from the Turkish education system, according to
researchers Ã`stel and Caymaz. They said the education curriculum
implemented after the 1980 military coup has affected millions of
people, including those who studied at "prestigious schools."
June 6 2009
In a fast shrinking world of their own
ISTANBUL - The rise of the religious class and the AKP's hold on power
has Turkey's traditional elites on the defensive and feeling like
their role as upholders of Republican values is being usurped,
according to research based on interviews with the former movers and
shakers.
Elites in Turkey are shocked and angry about the ascent of the
religious class, and while they say they feel an affiliation with the
country's non-Muslim minorities, they admit ignorance of their
problems, new research has revealed.
The research, supported by the Open Society Foundation, was conducted
via interviews with 21 women and 19 men over the age of 18.
The aim was to catch a glimpse of perceptions of people who graduated
from prestigious high schools and universities, who have high levels
of income and status in their profession and in society, and see
themselves as carriers of secular, Republican values. The research
concentrated in three areas: the group's outlook on Islamic circles,
non-Muslim minorities as defined by the Lausanne Treaty, and the
Kurds.
Among the factors that triggered the research were heated debates
within e-mail groups about the ruling Justice and Development Party,
or AKP, the murder of Armenian Turkish journalist Hrant Dink, and
developments in the Kurdish issue. These debates have polarized groups
of people who joined e-mail groups because they believed they shared
the same values.
Researchers Füsun Ã`stel and Birol Caymaz, both from
Galatasaray University, said their research does not carry the
ambition of explaining the outlook of the whole group concerned but
aims to give some clues to certain tendencies. According to the
findings, there is clear-cut irritation against the ascent of the
Islamic circles often identified in the AKP. They are shocked by the
increasing presence and visibility of these groups in society as well
as in the administration.
"One day they opened their windows, and they saw people with
headscarves everywhere," said Caymaz. According to the researchers,
this group, which has monopolized the modernization process of Turkey
and see themselves as the carriers of Republican values, feels
increasingly insecure and in the minority amid the growth of the
"newcomers."
They are convinced that there is an unfair "invasion-occupation" of
what they believe belongs to them, he said.
"They are dismayed by the Turkey they see, and they are angry," said
Ã`stel.
Most who see themselves as representatives of modernity believe
Turkey's progress stopped with the ascent of the AKP government, which
in turn has led to "modernization nostalgia," a term used by Esra
Ã-zyürek, another researcher whose analysis is quoted in the
research. According to Ã-zyürek, "modern Kemalists believe
there is a collapse of modernity in Turkey and to be modern again they
want to go back to some characteristics of the 1930s."
Anger against the AKP, the headscarf issue and the Islamic lifestyle
also stems from the fear that the elites' monopoly over Turkey's
economic and political life is threatened by another group, said
Ã-zyürek.
In this respect most of the interviewees said they are convinced the
AKP is a political structure founded against the Republican secular
system. The research showed that the general view among them is that
the AKP should be closed. Although most have voiced skepticism of the
democratic characteristic of party closures, when it comes to the AKP
they seem to prefer such a solution, concluded the researchers. The
researchers have also seen that most do not see a regime problem in
Turkey, instead they complain about the increasing conservatism that
has gained impetus under the AKP government.
Janet, 43, a graduate of Austrian Lycee and BoÄ?aziçi
University, believes Turkey could become like Iran and Malaysia, and
Ayla, 40, said openly that she is scared. "I have two daughters. One
of their friends was not allowed on a bus because her dress was found
to be too revealing," said Ayla. "If something like that happens in
Ankara, I fear that worse pressure is exerted in small towns." All
names of interviewees have been changed.
Melek, 47, voiced her concern on cronyism: "In the past there was
cronyism, too, but it included people like us, so we did not feel it
so much. Now there are different people involved in the cronyism, and
therefore we are more aware of it. Those who have been on the fringes
of society have suddenly got hold of power. This is dangerous. When
you look at the AKP cadres, they are those who have been oppressed
until now and who never had this chance before."
The research showed that the young generations are less radical in
their criticism against the AKP compared with their elders. Cansu, 23,
does not share what she calls "the paranoia that Shariah law will
come," but she believes that the AKP is trying to impose a lifestyle
based on religious references. "There are many bureaucrats whose wives
wear veils," she said as an example.
Lausanne minorities
When it comes to the perceptions concerning non-Muslims, the
researchers describe their observation of the situation as "a romantic
relationship." Most in this group have a non-Muslim colleague or
friend, but there is a lack of awareness of the problems they face.
The murder of Armenian journalist Hrant Dink has polarized the elites,
as some only became aware of minorities' problems when debates erupted
following Dink's assassination. According to interviewee Begüm,
problems became apparent after the murder, but "until then there was
nothing."
According to the researchers, there is a rising rhetoric of
multiculturalism among the elites, which is also tainted by nostalgic
feelings of the past when the number of non-Muslims was bigger. "Most
see it as a richness to be protected," said Ã`stel.
But they are unaware of the discrimination that minorities face. "I
don't know whether a Turk in Germany is better off then a Jew in
Turkey," said Neveser, 51, who believed minorities have no problem in
Turkey. But she admits her ignorance when reminded that except state
universities, minority members are excluded from public offices. "Do
they really want? I don't know. I am quiet ignorant on the subject,"
she said.
Meanwhile, some perceive non-Muslim minority members as "local
foreigners." When asked about the obligation to have a Turkish deputy
lead the administration of minority schools, Ali, 23, who graduated
from Dame De Sion High School and the University of Galatasaray, said:
"Maybe this is to decrease the perception of the threat of foreigners
in Turkey. Maybe this is done so that education is not out of the
control of the Turks."
Sevcan, 38, of Kadıköy Anadolu Lisesi, said she does not
believe that there are discriminatory policies against minorities. To
the contrary, she said she believes they are selling the country.
Ending the silence on discussing minority problems ends in itself with
rising nationalist tendencies. Ali, 23, said he has no problems with
Armenian friends whom he went to school with since childhood. But he
recalled an Armenian who joined Dame de Sion High School after having
attended a minority school and the negative experience they had. "He
and his other Armenian friends who went to minority schools had a
harder stance toward us. They were blaming us. Then I thought
education must be truly national. What is the function of an Armenian
school? An Armenian can come to school with me and go to learn
Armenian at night."
When it comes to Kurds, the perception of the elites carries striking
differences compared to their perceptions of non-Muslim
minorities. First, in contrast to the interaction that elites had with
members of minorities, Kurds are absent in their lives. There is a
problem of proximity, according to the researchers, since there is low
probability for the physical presence of Kurds in a group that has
graduated from "prestigious institutions" with high-level
income. Leyla, 30, does not recall having a Kurdish friend. "I heard
nothing like, 'I am a Kurd.' I don't know," she said. "It's not
written on their face."
Lack of awareness
Mine, 51, only became aware of Kurds due to the "PKK problem," or the
outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party. "I never questioned whether someone
was Turkish or Kurdish," she said.
The elites see the Kurds as the backward part of society, according to
the researchers. DoÄ?an, who is a graduate of Robert College and
BoÄ?aziçi University, said he does not like Kurds because
they still live a tribal life.
The lack of awareness stems from the denial of Kurdish identity in the
official discourse, according to the researchers. This, in turn, led
many elites to believe that the "Kurdish problem" is engineered from
abroad. According to Ebru, 23, who graduated from Ä°zmir
American College, the Kurdish issue is an issue definitely provoked by
the United States and Europe.
"As far as nationalism is concerned there is not much difference
between the elites and the ordinary person," said Ã`stel. "Maybe
their discourse is less violent when compared with the ordinary man on
the street." The tendency to avoid and ignore different identities in
society stems largely from the Turkish education system, according to
researchers Ã`stel and Caymaz. They said the education curriculum
implemented after the 1980 military coup has affected millions of
people, including those who studied at "prestigious schools."