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  • Erdogan vs. the media

    European Voice
    March 7 2009


    ErdoÄ?an vs. the media

    By David Dadge
    07.03.2009 / 07:00 CET


    In a country where journalists' blood has been spilt, Turkey's prime
    minister animus towards the media risks creating tragedies.
    A Turkish leader's visit to the World Economic Forum in Davos would
    normally not be a headline-grabbing affair. But when Prime Minister
    Recep Tayyip ErdoÄ?an stormed out of a discussion on Gaza,
    leaving a stunned Israeli president and other panellists in the dust,
    there was a blitz of international coverage and flattering media
    attention at home.

    The political theatre, and the hero's welcome ErdoÄ?an received
    back in Istanbul, may in part reflect the growing unease amongst
    Turkey's Muslim population about the country's good relations with
    Israel after its most recent offensive in Gaza.

    But it also showed a side of the charismatic leader that many Turkish
    journalists have come to know ` a politician who is prone to using the
    public arena to vent his anger. He blasted the international news
    organisations for a pro-Israel bias in their reporting on recent
    events in Gaza, and for months he has used his political pulpit to
    target journalists at home.


    The crowd turned on journalists, attacking them in front of the prime
    minister who did little to intervene.
    If these were the casual remarks of a politician unhappy with the news
    coverage he receives, they would be unremarkable. But in
    ErdoÄ?an's case, there has been a rising tempo of verbal
    attacks, and he has urged his supporters to boycott media that are
    deemed too critical. If you cannot silence the press, at least hit
    them where it hurts, the rationale appears to be.

    He has also not refrained from criticising outsiders. Just days before
    US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's scheduled visit this week,
    ErdoÄ?an denounced a new State Department report on human rights
    that raised concerns about numerous legal barriers to free expression
    in Turkey, including those that criminalise insults to the state.

    The US State Department, like many press freedom and human-rights
    groups, question why Article 301 ` the notorious `Turkishness' law
    that has been used to charge journalists, writers and intellectuals `
    remains on the books. It was watered down last year but remains a
    weapon against free expression. (One prominent Turkish-Armenian
    journalist convicted under this law, Hrant Dink, was murdered in 2007
    by self-described ultranationalists, who are currently on trial.)
    ErdoÄ?an has also publicly denounced the International Press
    Institute, which is directed by the author of this article, for
    imploring him to stop threatening media about their reporting.

    The risks of a national leader attempting to incite public antipathy
    to the press became apparent in January, one day after the incident in
    Davos. The prime minister used something as benign as a ribbon-cutting
    ceremony for a new Istanbul underground station as a platform to blast
    reporters. A brief confrontation broke out during his speech, and as
    news photographers homed in to get footage, the crowd turned on
    journalists, attacking them in front of the prime minister who,
    according to eyewitness accounts, did little to intervene.

    Despite this incident, the prime minister's criticism of journalists
    has continued on the campaign trail as he canvasses the country in
    advance of the 29 March municipal elections.

    ErdoÄ?an's anti-media campaign seems to stem from reports that
    have linked him to a Turkish charity, Deniz Feneri, whose managers
    were tried in Germany last year on charges of defrauding donors of
    ?¬16 million. The prime minister has denied any connection to
    the charity, and German prosecutors have also said there was nothing
    linking the defendants to ErdoÄ?an.

    But he has lashed out at the country's largest media company, the
    Dogan Media Group, demanding that its editors reveal their motives for
    reporting on the charity scandal. On several occasions, the prime
    minister has urged his supporters to stop buying papers that, as he
    told one rally, `stand by others, rather than stand by the prime
    minister of the Turkish Republic'. There were also other troubling
    actions. In December, the prime minister's office refused to renew
    press credentials for several long-time political reporters.

    Then in February, Turkey's finance ministry fined Dogan an
    unprecedented ?¬380 million (826 million Turkish lira) for tax
    evasion related to sales of foreign assets. While the Turkish
    authorities insist that the fine had nothing to do with
    ErdoÄ?an's criticism of Dogan's news coverage, the timing `
    after months of criticism from the prime minister ` only raises the
    spectre of a politically motivated campaign to bring the media company
    to its knees.

    The prime minister's outbursts against the press are odd for a man who
    himself was once unjustly banned from political office because of his
    religious views. They also defy the laudable reforms he has shepherded
    through parliament since he came to power in 2002, and his push to put
    Turkish law in sync with the European Union.

    ErdoÄ?an's campaign against the media sends a message that they
    are fair game for bullying and boycotts. But it also carries grave
    risks for journalists. Questioning the media's loyalty is dangerous in
    a country where some individuals have already used perceived affronts
    to `Turkishness' as an excuse to commit violence and, in Dink's case,
    murder. The prime minister needs to step back. If he does not, this is
    one piece of political theatre that risks moving from drama to
    tragedy.

    David Dadge is director of the International Press Institute, a
    Vienna-based press-freedom organisation.

    http://www.europeanvoice.com/articl e/2009/03/erdogan-vs-the-media/64231.aspx
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