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Moscow Reactivates Efforts In Connection With Azerbaijan

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  • Moscow Reactivates Efforts In Connection With Azerbaijan

    MOSCOW REACTIVATES EFFORTS IN CONNECTION WITH AZERBAIJAN
    Ajdar Kurtov

    WPS Agency
    DEFENSE and SECURITY (Russia)
    March 18, 2009 Wednesday
    Russia

    HIGHLIGHT: RUSSIA IS READY FOR COMPROMISES IN TRANS-DNIESTER AND
    NAGORNO-KARABAKH CONFLICT SETTLEMENT; Russia likes to pretend that
    it remains the main locomotive force in conflict-settlement efforts
    in the Commonwealth. Life shows a different story.

    Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov began a two-day visit to
    Azerbaijan. Departing Moscow, Lavrov said Russia was prepared to
    second a "compromise agreement" on Nagorno-Karabakh between Yerevan
    and Baku and even become its guarantor.

    The Russian-Azerbaijani relations were coldly reserved for years
    on end, interspersed every now and then by diplomatic assurances
    of willingness for neighborly warmth. For quite obvious reasons,
    Moscow and Baku offered different answers to the question of what had
    caused this "wintry co-existence" in the first place. Their answers
    notwithstanding, it is clear that conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh played
    a major part in the status quo because of Azerbaijan's certainty that
    Russia had backed Armenia in the conflict.

    Ducking the old problem is becoming increasingly more difficult for
    Moscow, these days. The disintegration of the USSR sparked lots of
    conflicts on its territory. Some of them were settled, but others
    driven deep and left to smoulder. Political scientists call these
    later latent conflicts. It is clear that the day must eventually come
    when willingness to try and offer a solution is displayed by some
    third party, one previously uninvolved in the endless and pointless
    diplomatic meetings. This is exactly what happened in August 2008.

    As a result, Moscow's political rhetorics with regard to the
    Crimea and Sevastopol, Trans-Dniester region, and Nagorno-Karabakh
    changed and became different from what it had been before August
    8. Moreover, the Kremlin even indicated willingness to alter its
    previously unalterable positions in the matter of conflicts in the
    Trans-Dniester region and Nagorno-Karabakh. Formally, it does not
    look like a concession, not for the time being at least. Russian
    politicians go out of their way to present the matter in the light
    that will show them still being the major locomotive force in the
    conflict-settlement efforts. Unfortunately for them, they are not
    being particularly convincing.

    At the very least, things in general seem to be progressing toward
    the following: Tiraspol is being forced to accept the variant outlined
    in the law on the status of autonomy Moldova adopted in 2005. As for
    Nagorno-Karabakh, efforts are made to persuade it to accept a solution
    that requires some specific steps from Stepanakert and Yerevan and
    but some vague promises of return gestures from Baku.

    The idea to deploy Russian peacekeepers between the Armenian
    and Azerbaijani forces discussed nowadays is less unequivocal
    than its authors like to pretend. It looks quite attractive
    in theory. In real life, however, the Russians will have to be
    quartered on the territories currently occupied by armed forces of
    Nagorno-Karabakh, in the areas where the latter built fortifications
    that preclude Azerbaijani military operations for the time being. Since
    peacekeepers cannot operate on minefields, all these areas of defense
    Nagorno-Karabakh developed will have to be dismantled. Will the
    Armenians go for it? It is unlikely, particularly as the president of
    Azerbaijan once again announced that independence of Nagorno-Karabakh
    is out of the question both in the course of the talks now and in
    the future.
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