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Shah Deniz Phase Two Postponement Officially Confirmed

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  • Shah Deniz Phase Two Postponement Officially Confirmed

    http://www.jamestown.org/single/?no_cache=1&tx _ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=34935&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid %5D=7&cHash=e5b127d293

    Shah Deniz Phase Two Postponement Officially Confirmed
    Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 6 Issue: 84
    May 1, 2009 02:19 PM Age: 2 days


    By: Vladimir Socor

    Shah Deniz Oil Platform in Operational Position

    Norway's StatoilHydro company, commercial operator of the gas export
    pipeline from Azerbaijan's Shah Deniz field, has publicly identified
    Turkey as stalling on the transit agreement for Shah Deniz gas to
    Europe. StatoilHydro's latest statements corroborate the concerns of
    European and Azerbaijani officials on this issue (EDM, March 4, 5, 16,
    April 20, 27). The Turkish AKP government's stalling hurts
    Azerbaijan's interests, those of the multinational consortium that
    develops the giant offshore Shah Deniz field, and European Union
    interests in the Nabucco pipeline project, the start of which depends
    on the gas from Shah Deniz.

    StatoilHydro-Azerbaijan president Kristian Hausken and the company's
    vice president for gas Olav Skalmeras have announced that the
    consortium must postpone the start of Phase Two of production at Shah
    Deniz until 2016, due to lack of a transit agreement with Turkey.
    According to the Norwegian executives, the issue of transit via Turkey
    remains a challenge to the Shah Deniz project. They said that Phase
    Two can only take place -and its timeframe clarified- after the
    transit problems will have been resolved with Turkey (Reuters, April
    24; Trend Capital, April 28).

    Phase Two of Shah Deniz gas production had been envisaged to start in
    2013-14, its timetable correlated with that of the Nabucco pipeline's
    construction. Turkish-imposed delays in field development and
    production at Shah Deniz would correspondingly delay investment in the
    Nabucco project and its construction.

    The consortium, headed by BP and StatoilHydro, owns and operates the
    Shah Deniz project and the dedicated South Caucasus Pipeline (SCP) for
    gas export. The line, known also as the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum (BTE)
    pipeline, was conceived as the first section of a major gas export
    route via Turkey to Europe. The existing line should feed into the
    planned Nabucco pipeline on Turkish territory. The SCP (BTE)
    consortium's ownership and operating rights on the pipeline, however,
    stop at the Georgia-Turkey border. Beyond that border, Turkey's state
    company Botas owns and operates the pipeline to Erzurum and onward to
    Nabucco's starting point. Thus, when Nabucco is built, the two
    internationally-owned pipelines -SCP and Nabucco- will have to be
    linked with each other through the Turkish-owned pipeline situated
    between them; and Nabucco itself would run through Turkish territory.

    This situation and the perceived lack of alternatives to the Turkish
    route are tempting the AKP government to seek concessions at the
    expense of Azerbaijan, the Shah Deniz consortium, and the two pipeline
    consortiums. Ankara seeks unilateral advantages on the terms of gas
    transportation and pricing simply by stalling on the transit
    agreements. Stalling on these projects is also the AKP government's
    way to seek political concessions from the EU. As the EU-Turkey
    accession negotiations are a long-term process, the stalling may also
    turn out to be a long-term process, if the EU tolerates such behavior.

    Phase Two of production at Shah Deniz is planned to reach 20 billion
    cubic meters of gas annually in the plateau years, double the volume
    of Phase One which is currently in progress (Trend Capital, April 29).
    Investment in Phase Two is estimated at $16 billion, compared to the
    $5 billion invested in Phase One. Facing such investment costs, the
    international consortium as well as the Azerbaijani government needs
    long-term stable arrangements for transit via Turkey and marketing in
    Europe.

    Meanwhile, Russia proposes to buy up all available volumes of
    Azerbaijani gas at attractive prices. Following repeated offers since
    June 2008 from the Kremlin, a memorandum of understanding was signed
    on March 27, 2009, by the Azerbaijan's State Oil Company with Gazprom.
    Faced itself with a gas shortfall in the years ahead, Gazprom could
    use Azerbaijani gas either for consumption in southern regions of
    Russia or for re-export to Europe as "Russian" gas through the
    Gazprom-planned South Stream pipeline. Russian officials have alluded
    to both possibilities.

    Underscoring Moscow's interest, Valery Yazev -head of Russia's Gas
    Society and vice-chairman of the Duma- proposes that "Russia must
    offer the highest possible price for Azerbaijani gas," finance
    modernization of the Soviet-era gas pipeline from Baku to the Russian
    border, and sell Azerbaijani gas in Europe as Russian gas. As Yazev
    makes clear, Moscow seeks to draw Azerbaijan into some bilateral
    price-fixing arrangement at Europe's expense: "What is Europe's game?
    It tries to crush the gas producers. Our countries need to coordinate
    their positions. Azerbaijan is geographically closest to Europe among
    gas-producing countries of this region. Therefore Moscow wants to
    develop close interaction with Baku" (Interfax, Trend Capital, April
    22, 24).

    In effect, Russia is racing against the EU in Azerbaijan. Meanwhile,
    Turkey's AKP government is making it more difficult for the EU and
    Azerbaijan jointly to win this race.
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