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Institute for War & Peace Reporting, UK
Oct 30 2009
KARABAKH GOVERNMENT FACES LITTLE COMPETITION
Tiny Karabakh's opposition moribund, lacks issues to fight on.
By Anahit Danelian in Stepanakert
Nagorny Karabakh, after a decade of vigorous debate, has lapsed into
political stagnation as opposition figures seek the profits brought by
cooperation with the government.
In 2007, when Bako Sahakian announced he would run for president of
Karabakh, which has declared independence but is not internationally
recognised, all political parties united around him. For Gegham
Baghdasarian, president of the Stepanakert press club and one of the
few independent members of parliament, that was the moment when the
opposition ceased to exist.
`Here everything gets killed - ideas, movements, differences,
competition and, as a result, development,' he told IWPR.
Karabakh was proclaimed a sovereign republic in September 1991, when
local Armenians declared themselves free of Soviet Azerbaijan. A
subsequent war raged until a ceasefire in 1994, and the Armenians have
ruled themselves in defiance of Baku's objections ever since.
A strong opposition emerged even during the war, with the
Dashnaktsutiun party, which is active throughout the Armenian
diaspora, vigorously contesting the decisions of the republic's then
leaders. It became the main opposition in parliament for a while, but
was all but snuffed out in 2005, and now has just two of the 33 seats.
Sahakian himself, speaking to students in February, said the lack of
an opposition was because Karabakh's 140,000 residents supported his
policies. But the few surviving opposition figures were more critical.
They said recent stability in Karabakh had led to politicians
re-aligning themselves with the government to gain lucrative posts.
`The existing parties in Nagorny Karabakh would rather be in power,
even if they do not agree with the policies of the authorities,' said
Masis Mailian, who stood against Sahakian in 2007 and now heads the
public board for foreign policy and security of the Nagorny Karabakh
republic.
`The existing party elites of Karabakh do not see opposition
activities as fruitful. The experience of elections in recent years in
many countries of the former Soviet Union does not give much hope for
an opposition victory. There are countries where opposition candidates
are not even registered, and this is becoming the norm.'
Parliament is dominated by the president's allies, with three parties
- Free Homeland, the Democratic Party of Artsakh and Artsakhatun -
holding 28 of the seats. Three independent deputies and the two from
Dashnaktsutiun make up the balance.
The opposition's eclipse came as a surprise in 2005, since just a year
before the government candidate was defeated in Stepanakert mayoral
elections. David Ishkhanian, head of Dashnaktsutiun's central
committee in Karabakh, said the people did not seem to care about
political issues, since the republic's unrecognised status meant
issues of security remained more important.
`Of course, there are domestic political difficulties, but they are
far behind the major national issues,' he said.
And most observers pointed out that opposition could only come into
existence if there was public demand for it. One of the reasons for
Karabakh's bland political scene was that the electorate was not
demanding different points of view. This may be a legacy of the Soviet
system, in which all issues were resolved behind closed doors.
`It is ideal that a healthy opposition exists in every state, but you
must say that it cannot be created in a vacuum. You need pressure from
society, and if this appears, you will see an opposition emerge. If
there is no opposition, then there is no need for one,' said Gagik
Petrosian, a pro-presidential parliament deputy.
Mailian said he hoped public pressure would force political changes
before next year's parliamentary elections, and that the authorities
would allow a strong opposition to form.
`This is possible only if the electoral process is organised within
the law,' he said.
But observers were not so sure. They said the specific conditions of
Karabakh - small, poor, mountainous, legally uncertain - could well
prevent any serious challenger to the president from appearing.
`Being a small country, Karabakh has always had to unite its forces,
so as to oppose external enemies,' said David Karabekian, an
independent political analyst, who lamented the drawbacks of such a
situation.
`Without an opposition, control is lost over the actions of the
authorities, who start to act for the benefit of a small circle `
their friends, acquaintances and relatives.'
And there was one other factor that ensured that - unless the distant
prospect of Karabakh gaining international recognition becomes a
reality - the republic's political system will not change.
In the current environment, it is entirely dependent on Armenia for
trade and its connection to the outside world. Although Yerevan has
not recognised Karabakh's independence, there are close ties between
the two entities, and Armenian influence is huge.
`There is another factor that means a representative of the opposition
could never become president, and that is the influence of Armenia,
and in particular the fact that the preference of the Armenian
leadership dictates who will be president of Nagorny Karabakh,' said
Karen Ohanjanian, coordinator of the Helsinki Initiative/92
Nagorno-Karabakh Committee, a human rights group.
Anahit Danelian is a correspondent for Hetq in Stepanakert and a
participant in IWPR's Cross Caucasus Journalism Network.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
Oct 30 2009
KARABAKH GOVERNMENT FACES LITTLE COMPETITION
Tiny Karabakh's opposition moribund, lacks issues to fight on.
By Anahit Danelian in Stepanakert
Nagorny Karabakh, after a decade of vigorous debate, has lapsed into
political stagnation as opposition figures seek the profits brought by
cooperation with the government.
In 2007, when Bako Sahakian announced he would run for president of
Karabakh, which has declared independence but is not internationally
recognised, all political parties united around him. For Gegham
Baghdasarian, president of the Stepanakert press club and one of the
few independent members of parliament, that was the moment when the
opposition ceased to exist.
`Here everything gets killed - ideas, movements, differences,
competition and, as a result, development,' he told IWPR.
Karabakh was proclaimed a sovereign republic in September 1991, when
local Armenians declared themselves free of Soviet Azerbaijan. A
subsequent war raged until a ceasefire in 1994, and the Armenians have
ruled themselves in defiance of Baku's objections ever since.
A strong opposition emerged even during the war, with the
Dashnaktsutiun party, which is active throughout the Armenian
diaspora, vigorously contesting the decisions of the republic's then
leaders. It became the main opposition in parliament for a while, but
was all but snuffed out in 2005, and now has just two of the 33 seats.
Sahakian himself, speaking to students in February, said the lack of
an opposition was because Karabakh's 140,000 residents supported his
policies. But the few surviving opposition figures were more critical.
They said recent stability in Karabakh had led to politicians
re-aligning themselves with the government to gain lucrative posts.
`The existing parties in Nagorny Karabakh would rather be in power,
even if they do not agree with the policies of the authorities,' said
Masis Mailian, who stood against Sahakian in 2007 and now heads the
public board for foreign policy and security of the Nagorny Karabakh
republic.
`The existing party elites of Karabakh do not see opposition
activities as fruitful. The experience of elections in recent years in
many countries of the former Soviet Union does not give much hope for
an opposition victory. There are countries where opposition candidates
are not even registered, and this is becoming the norm.'
Parliament is dominated by the president's allies, with three parties
- Free Homeland, the Democratic Party of Artsakh and Artsakhatun -
holding 28 of the seats. Three independent deputies and the two from
Dashnaktsutiun make up the balance.
The opposition's eclipse came as a surprise in 2005, since just a year
before the government candidate was defeated in Stepanakert mayoral
elections. David Ishkhanian, head of Dashnaktsutiun's central
committee in Karabakh, said the people did not seem to care about
political issues, since the republic's unrecognised status meant
issues of security remained more important.
`Of course, there are domestic political difficulties, but they are
far behind the major national issues,' he said.
And most observers pointed out that opposition could only come into
existence if there was public demand for it. One of the reasons for
Karabakh's bland political scene was that the electorate was not
demanding different points of view. This may be a legacy of the Soviet
system, in which all issues were resolved behind closed doors.
`It is ideal that a healthy opposition exists in every state, but you
must say that it cannot be created in a vacuum. You need pressure from
society, and if this appears, you will see an opposition emerge. If
there is no opposition, then there is no need for one,' said Gagik
Petrosian, a pro-presidential parliament deputy.
Mailian said he hoped public pressure would force political changes
before next year's parliamentary elections, and that the authorities
would allow a strong opposition to form.
`This is possible only if the electoral process is organised within
the law,' he said.
But observers were not so sure. They said the specific conditions of
Karabakh - small, poor, mountainous, legally uncertain - could well
prevent any serious challenger to the president from appearing.
`Being a small country, Karabakh has always had to unite its forces,
so as to oppose external enemies,' said David Karabekian, an
independent political analyst, who lamented the drawbacks of such a
situation.
`Without an opposition, control is lost over the actions of the
authorities, who start to act for the benefit of a small circle `
their friends, acquaintances and relatives.'
And there was one other factor that ensured that - unless the distant
prospect of Karabakh gaining international recognition becomes a
reality - the republic's political system will not change.
In the current environment, it is entirely dependent on Armenia for
trade and its connection to the outside world. Although Yerevan has
not recognised Karabakh's independence, there are close ties between
the two entities, and Armenian influence is huge.
`There is another factor that means a representative of the opposition
could never become president, and that is the influence of Armenia,
and in particular the fact that the preference of the Armenian
leadership dictates who will be president of Nagorny Karabakh,' said
Karen Ohanjanian, coordinator of the Helsinki Initiative/92
Nagorno-Karabakh Committee, a human rights group.
Anahit Danelian is a correspondent for Hetq in Stepanakert and a
participant in IWPR's Cross Caucasus Journalism Network.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress