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Prime Minister Speaks on Economic Growth and Is Against Concessions
in National Issues
http://www.karabakh.net/engl/inform/2009/1 1/21.htm
November 21, 2009
The NKR Prime Minister Ara Haroutyunyan's interview to "Reporter"
American paper correspondent Emil Sanamyan
Wednesday, November 18, 2009
Emil Sanamyan: Mr. Prime Minister, earlier this week you made a
number of statements rejecting the territorial concessions envisioned
under what is known as the Madrid proposal for a Karabakh settlement,
unveiled by France, Russia, and the United States in July. At the time
the NKR Foreign Ministry broadly criticized the proposal, but your
comments were more specific. Could you elaborate on NKR's position
with regard to that proposal?
Ara Haroutyunyan: The Nagorno Karabakh Republic has not been
formally presented with the Madrid proposal. We have seen the
statement and media commentary, but as long as we are not formally
presented with a proposal, we cannot officially accept or reject it.
That said, we have a position repeatedly articulated by our
president and other officials, a position that the international
community needs to appreciate.
First, the people of Artsakh have already exercised their right to
self-determination.
Second, in a popular referendum, we adopted our constitution,
which specifies that Artsakh's territory is its present-day territory
comprising 11,400 sq km (4,400 sq mi), and it is not the territory of
the former Nagorno Karabakh Autonomous Oblast.
Of course, we support the negotiation process and understand that
negotiations imply mutual compromises. But in the end, the
negotiations can produce results only when Artsakh authorities become
involved. Without our full participation, there will be no results.
ES: Another issue generating a lot of debate is the terms of the
Armenia-Turkey protocols signed on October 10. The Armenian government
has invested a lot of effort into that diplomatic initiative and there
has also been a lot of criticism of the protocols both in Armenia and
the diaspora. What is your view of that process?
AH: Generally we would welcome any step that contributes to
Armenia 's economic development. But such a step should not come with
preconditions or disregard our national dignity and identity.
The future of our country depends on economic development.
Armenians are business savvy, and if they don't have opportunities in
the homeland, they will find them elsewhere; emigration leads to
demographic problems.
It is obvious that a Turkey-Armenia border opening would create
new opportunities for development. Those who argue that [Turkish
imports] would damage our economy are not correct. The same argument,
after all, could be made against countries we have open borders with,
Georgia and Iran . But that is not the case, and reflects a
backward-looking policy.
Border opening with Turkey is important economically, but once
again it should come without preconditions, without historical
revisionism, and without a link to Artsakh negotiations.
If any one of these conditions is not met, we will be opposed and
will find the signing of these documents to be senseless. But as far
as I know, the president of the Republic of Armenia , in all his
statements, has ruled out any compromises on these issues.
I would stress once again that a solution to the Artsakh issue
depends on Artsakh itself. Any deals reached contrary to the will of
Artsakh people will remain on paper.
You will recall this is what happened when former Armenian
President Levon Ter-Petrosian agreed to the return of Kelbajar [after
its capture in April 1993]. Those efforts were in vain. Moreover, our
army was able to liberate Tigranakert, Kovsakan, and other areas
[later in 1993].
ES: As Prime Minister you deal mostly with economic issues, but
economics and security are quite interconnected. Azerbaijan is
continuing to arm itself and has repeatedly expressed aggressive
intentions. But there is little Armenian criticism of this
militarization and there is virtually no criticism of countries
selling weapons to Azerbaijan . Why not?
AH: We of course do not welcome Azerbaijan 's policy that
allocates so much money for its armed forces and weapons purchases,
but there is also little we can do to influence this process.
Instead, we do what we can to make Azerbaijan think twice before
launching hostilities. We have an efficient defense system that is not
limited to today's standing army. Every citizen of Artsakh is a
[reservist] soldier and will defend his motherland the way we did in
the early 1990s.
Additionally, it is important to note that, say, the price of a
modern tank is in millions of dollars, while antitank weapons cost
only several thousand. We are not preparing for an aggression; we are
preparing for defense [so our costs are lower]. However, we also have
serious counterattack capabilities.
Each year, we implement large-scale programs aimed at increasing
capabilities of our army, and strengthening our defense perimeter.
Azerbaijan can make the calculations and knows that the Artsakh
Army will remain a guarantor of regional peace and stability for a
long time. We have made it clear that a new war would be very damaging
for Azerbaijan not just in human and financial terms, but also through
loss of territory.
We are confident about our capabilities and ready to confront any
aggressor.
ES: Earlier today I visited the Artsakh History Museum where a
guide showed me a picture of your older brother who was killed in the
war. This subject of war of course remains very close to everyone in
Artsakh.
But for many others, including in the diaspora, the war has become
a relatively distant memory and the sense of danger to Artsakh, to
Armenians, has largely passed. Why is Artsakh still important?
AH: It must be harder to maintain the attachment to your
motherland when you live far from it rather than when you live here.
>From far you miss it, but nostalgia alone can be exhausted over the
years.
To preserve this attachment to Armenia, to Artsakh, we encourage
diaspora Armenians to visit the motherland more often. Once you visit
and experience Artsakh, you will fall in love with Artsakh, live
Artsakh. Our policy now is to promote such visits.
In part for this purpose, we are now constructing an airport,
improving roads, improving the access to our historical and cultural
monuments. Excavations are underway at Tigranakert, which has a
significant meaning for the whole Armenian people. Works are also
underway at Amaras, Dadivank, and in Shushi. There are more and better
hotels, restaurants, and transportation in Artsakh than ever before.
The more our compatriots visit Artsakh, the stronger the
connections become. We understand that time can have an effect. But
even from far away, you do not stop loving your family or your
motherland.
ES: What are your priorities for the Armenia Fund Telethon on November 26?
AH: This year, donations made to the Fund will help development of
Shushi. Projects there include reconstruction of the former Shushi
girls' school, which will house NKR's Ministry of Culture. It is also
planned to move the local branch of [ Armenia 's] Agriculture
University to Shushi.
We already began work to relocate NKR's Supreme Court and other
judicial entities to Shushi. We hope to see these projects completed
in the next five to seven years.
ES: Last weekend the Free Motherland party had its congress and
elected you as its leader. What is the history and political plans of
this party?
AH: The Free Motherland party was established in January 2005 and
I was one of its founders. We participated in 2005 parliamentary
elections, and at the time came in second.
We also took part in the [2007] presidential elections and
supported the current president, Bako Sahakian. The main theses of our
party's program were reflected in the election program of President
Sahakian.
Today, our party has the biggest faction in the National Assembly,
holding 12 of 33 seats. We are now preparing for parliamentary
elections due next year and will have a new election program. Should
we win, we will present our program to the president and after
receiving his approval we will implement it.
ES: Is the president a member of your party?
AH: No.
ES: Are you already the main ruling party?
AH: No. In the last presidential elections, four parties including
Free Motherland, Artsakh Democratic Party, ARF (Dashnaktsutiun), and
Movement 88 supported the president. Today they all are represented in
parliament and are part of government.
ES: How does President Sahakian's administration differ from
former president Arkady Ghukasian's in 1997-2007? Are there
significant differences, or is it the continuation of the past
administration?
AH: Of course the differences are significant. The [incumbent]
president has his own election program, working style, team, and ideas
for development. Of course all this is reflected in the country's
economic indexes and demographic changes. Today Artsakh's economy is
growing at a good pace in spite of the world economic crisis.
ES: Is that a result of the president's efforts and foreign investments?
AH: Yes, investments, economic policy, and implementation of
anti-corruption programs have all resulted in those indexes, and we
are working for this dynamic of development surely to continue.
ES: Thank you.
in National Issues
http://www.karabakh.net/engl/inform/2009/1 1/21.htm
November 21, 2009
The NKR Prime Minister Ara Haroutyunyan's interview to "Reporter"
American paper correspondent Emil Sanamyan
Wednesday, November 18, 2009
Emil Sanamyan: Mr. Prime Minister, earlier this week you made a
number of statements rejecting the territorial concessions envisioned
under what is known as the Madrid proposal for a Karabakh settlement,
unveiled by France, Russia, and the United States in July. At the time
the NKR Foreign Ministry broadly criticized the proposal, but your
comments were more specific. Could you elaborate on NKR's position
with regard to that proposal?
Ara Haroutyunyan: The Nagorno Karabakh Republic has not been
formally presented with the Madrid proposal. We have seen the
statement and media commentary, but as long as we are not formally
presented with a proposal, we cannot officially accept or reject it.
That said, we have a position repeatedly articulated by our
president and other officials, a position that the international
community needs to appreciate.
First, the people of Artsakh have already exercised their right to
self-determination.
Second, in a popular referendum, we adopted our constitution,
which specifies that Artsakh's territory is its present-day territory
comprising 11,400 sq km (4,400 sq mi), and it is not the territory of
the former Nagorno Karabakh Autonomous Oblast.
Of course, we support the negotiation process and understand that
negotiations imply mutual compromises. But in the end, the
negotiations can produce results only when Artsakh authorities become
involved. Without our full participation, there will be no results.
ES: Another issue generating a lot of debate is the terms of the
Armenia-Turkey protocols signed on October 10. The Armenian government
has invested a lot of effort into that diplomatic initiative and there
has also been a lot of criticism of the protocols both in Armenia and
the diaspora. What is your view of that process?
AH: Generally we would welcome any step that contributes to
Armenia 's economic development. But such a step should not come with
preconditions or disregard our national dignity and identity.
The future of our country depends on economic development.
Armenians are business savvy, and if they don't have opportunities in
the homeland, they will find them elsewhere; emigration leads to
demographic problems.
It is obvious that a Turkey-Armenia border opening would create
new opportunities for development. Those who argue that [Turkish
imports] would damage our economy are not correct. The same argument,
after all, could be made against countries we have open borders with,
Georgia and Iran . But that is not the case, and reflects a
backward-looking policy.
Border opening with Turkey is important economically, but once
again it should come without preconditions, without historical
revisionism, and without a link to Artsakh negotiations.
If any one of these conditions is not met, we will be opposed and
will find the signing of these documents to be senseless. But as far
as I know, the president of the Republic of Armenia , in all his
statements, has ruled out any compromises on these issues.
I would stress once again that a solution to the Artsakh issue
depends on Artsakh itself. Any deals reached contrary to the will of
Artsakh people will remain on paper.
You will recall this is what happened when former Armenian
President Levon Ter-Petrosian agreed to the return of Kelbajar [after
its capture in April 1993]. Those efforts were in vain. Moreover, our
army was able to liberate Tigranakert, Kovsakan, and other areas
[later in 1993].
ES: As Prime Minister you deal mostly with economic issues, but
economics and security are quite interconnected. Azerbaijan is
continuing to arm itself and has repeatedly expressed aggressive
intentions. But there is little Armenian criticism of this
militarization and there is virtually no criticism of countries
selling weapons to Azerbaijan . Why not?
AH: We of course do not welcome Azerbaijan 's policy that
allocates so much money for its armed forces and weapons purchases,
but there is also little we can do to influence this process.
Instead, we do what we can to make Azerbaijan think twice before
launching hostilities. We have an efficient defense system that is not
limited to today's standing army. Every citizen of Artsakh is a
[reservist] soldier and will defend his motherland the way we did in
the early 1990s.
Additionally, it is important to note that, say, the price of a
modern tank is in millions of dollars, while antitank weapons cost
only several thousand. We are not preparing for an aggression; we are
preparing for defense [so our costs are lower]. However, we also have
serious counterattack capabilities.
Each year, we implement large-scale programs aimed at increasing
capabilities of our army, and strengthening our defense perimeter.
Azerbaijan can make the calculations and knows that the Artsakh
Army will remain a guarantor of regional peace and stability for a
long time. We have made it clear that a new war would be very damaging
for Azerbaijan not just in human and financial terms, but also through
loss of territory.
We are confident about our capabilities and ready to confront any
aggressor.
ES: Earlier today I visited the Artsakh History Museum where a
guide showed me a picture of your older brother who was killed in the
war. This subject of war of course remains very close to everyone in
Artsakh.
But for many others, including in the diaspora, the war has become
a relatively distant memory and the sense of danger to Artsakh, to
Armenians, has largely passed. Why is Artsakh still important?
AH: It must be harder to maintain the attachment to your
motherland when you live far from it rather than when you live here.
>From far you miss it, but nostalgia alone can be exhausted over the
years.
To preserve this attachment to Armenia, to Artsakh, we encourage
diaspora Armenians to visit the motherland more often. Once you visit
and experience Artsakh, you will fall in love with Artsakh, live
Artsakh. Our policy now is to promote such visits.
In part for this purpose, we are now constructing an airport,
improving roads, improving the access to our historical and cultural
monuments. Excavations are underway at Tigranakert, which has a
significant meaning for the whole Armenian people. Works are also
underway at Amaras, Dadivank, and in Shushi. There are more and better
hotels, restaurants, and transportation in Artsakh than ever before.
The more our compatriots visit Artsakh, the stronger the
connections become. We understand that time can have an effect. But
even from far away, you do not stop loving your family or your
motherland.
ES: What are your priorities for the Armenia Fund Telethon on November 26?
AH: This year, donations made to the Fund will help development of
Shushi. Projects there include reconstruction of the former Shushi
girls' school, which will house NKR's Ministry of Culture. It is also
planned to move the local branch of [ Armenia 's] Agriculture
University to Shushi.
We already began work to relocate NKR's Supreme Court and other
judicial entities to Shushi. We hope to see these projects completed
in the next five to seven years.
ES: Last weekend the Free Motherland party had its congress and
elected you as its leader. What is the history and political plans of
this party?
AH: The Free Motherland party was established in January 2005 and
I was one of its founders. We participated in 2005 parliamentary
elections, and at the time came in second.
We also took part in the [2007] presidential elections and
supported the current president, Bako Sahakian. The main theses of our
party's program were reflected in the election program of President
Sahakian.
Today, our party has the biggest faction in the National Assembly,
holding 12 of 33 seats. We are now preparing for parliamentary
elections due next year and will have a new election program. Should
we win, we will present our program to the president and after
receiving his approval we will implement it.
ES: Is the president a member of your party?
AH: No.
ES: Are you already the main ruling party?
AH: No. In the last presidential elections, four parties including
Free Motherland, Artsakh Democratic Party, ARF (Dashnaktsutiun), and
Movement 88 supported the president. Today they all are represented in
parliament and are part of government.
ES: How does President Sahakian's administration differ from
former president Arkady Ghukasian's in 1997-2007? Are there
significant differences, or is it the continuation of the past
administration?
AH: Of course the differences are significant. The [incumbent]
president has his own election program, working style, team, and ideas
for development. Of course all this is reflected in the country's
economic indexes and demographic changes. Today Artsakh's economy is
growing at a good pace in spite of the world economic crisis.
ES: Is that a result of the president's efforts and foreign investments?
AH: Yes, investments, economic policy, and implementation of
anti-corruption programs have all resulted in those indexes, and we
are working for this dynamic of development surely to continue.
ES: Thank you.