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ZORYAN INSTITUTE OF CANADA, INC.
255 Duncan Mill Rd., Suite 310
Toronto, ON, Canada M3B 3H9
Tel: 416-250-9807 Fax: 416-512-1736 E-mail: [email protected]
www.zoryaninstitute.org
September 30, 2009
President Serge Sargsyan
Republic of Armenia
26 Marshal Baghramian Avenue
Yerevan
Republic of Armenia, 0077
E-mail: [email protected], [email protected]
Dear President Sargsyan:
The Protocols for establishing diplomatic relations between Armenia and
Turkey, although intended to help normalize relations between the two
countries, raise serious questions about the process, and contain pitfalls,
which I have set out below for your kind consideration.
My interest in the Protocols arises from being a scholar of genocide studies
for most of my career, a founder of the International Association of
Genocide Scholars, Chairman of the Academic Board of Directors of the Zoryan
Institute, and a recipient of the Movses Khorenatsi Medal last year, awarded
by you, Mr. President, for my "considerable contribution to the
international recognition of the Armenian Genocide."
I and other scholars, who have no personal, ethnic or political motive for
affirming the Armenian Genocide, feel we must point out one significant
aspect of the Protocols, the clauses that call for
a dialogue on the historical dimension with the aim to restore mutual
confidence between the two nations, including an impartial scientific
examination of the historical records and archives to define existing
problems and formulate recommendations
and
the establishment of an intergovernmental bilateral commission which shall
comprise sub-commissions for the prompt implementation of the commitments
mentioned in operations paragraph 2 above in this Protocol.
Does "the historical dimension" article refer to the Armenian Genocide, and
does the "intergovernmental bilateral commission" article refer to a
historical commission? If not, then how can Armenia hope to have normal
relations with Turkey while ignoring a major cause of the tension between
the two countries? If so, then they are a source of grave concern, because
there is a broad scholarly consensus that genocide unquestionably occurred
in the case of the Armenians.
You are well aware, Mr. President, that numerous distinguished historians,
political scientists, sociologists, legal scholars, and authoritative
institutions around the world have investigated the Genocide many times
over, issued academic publications, and even made public declarations. These
scholars have devoted their professional lives to conducting scientific
research with the highest levels of academic integrity. As a result of their
work, scholars have identified the Armenian Genocide as the archetypal case
of modern genocide, whose pattern has many similarities with subsequent
cases. Therefore, any commission that purports now to conduct "an impartial
scientific examination of the historical records and archives" in effect
dismisses all of the extensive research that has already been conducted for
decades and implies that none of it was impartial or scientific. This is
offensive to all genocide scholars, but particularly non-Armenian scholars,
who feel their work is now being truly politicized.
I am sure you can appreciate that they have no confidence that a politically
organized commission would not compromise historical truth, especially
considering the imbalanced power relations between Armenia and Turkey. This
assessment is particularly exacerbated when one considers the following:
1. The national archives of France, Great Britain, and the United States, as
well as Turkey and its wartime allies Germany and Austria, to name only a
few, are full of incontestable documentation of the genocidal intent and
nature of the annihilation of the Armenians.
2. The historical records of the official investigation by a Turkish
military Tribunal in post-war Turkey, recently published, based on
authenticated, official Turkish documents, found irrefutable evidence of
centrally organized mass murder against the bulk of the Ottoman Empire's own
Armenian citizens. The prosecutors were Turks, the judges were Turks, and
most of the witnesses were Turks, including high ranking military officers.
3. The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ), reviewing the
Armenian case for the Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation Commission (TARC),
concluded that "the Events, viewed collectively, can thus be said to include
all of the elements of the crime of genocide as defined in the Convention,
and legal scholars as well as historians, politicians, journalists and other
people would be justified in continuing to so describe them."
4. Prime Minister Erdogan has stated repeatedly that Turkey would never
accept there was an Armenian Genocide, and even if a historical commission
found that the Armenian case is genocide, it is argued, Turkey would just
ignore the decision, as it did the report of the ICTJ, which led to the
resignation of all the Turkish members of TARC.
But most importantly, Mr. President, the scholars are concerned that a
historical commission would embolden those who would consider perpetrating
genocide in future years by showing how easily genocide can be relativized,
especially by the powerful.
In 2001, the Zoryan Institute issued a rare public commentary about
Turkish-Armenian relations, in which it stated
Normally, dialogue is the first step towards the possible resolution of any
conflict, and therefore reconciliation. The participants in a dialogue
generally need to define the key issues which divide the parties and
establish a process by which the dialogue will be conducted. There must be a
sincere desire for mutual understanding and willingness to accept the
factual issues in contention, even if emotionally highly charged..
Turkey does not have the capacity to enter into a process of dialogue to
define the key issue of the Genocide. Even if genocide were to be affirmed
by "an impartial scientific examination of the historical records and
archives," Turkey would not be able to accept this, as it is currently bound
by a strict penal code that makes it illegal for anyone from Turkey to even
mention the Armenian Genocide. Therefore, was the negotiation of the
protocols, so long in the making, done all this time in bad faith?
If not, then perhaps what is required is a modification of the wording in
the Protocol referring to the "historical dimension," or a modification of
the Turkish penal code, which currently criminalizes discussion of this
subject, to make the Protocols viable.
If such modifications are not possible due to diplomatic pressures at this
time, then perhaps it would be prudent to stage the process so that
discussion of the "historical dimension" is deferred. This would allow the
people of both countries, but especially Turkey, the opportunity to
demonstrate "a sincere desire for mutual understanding and willingness to
accept the factual issues in contention, even if emotionally highly
charged." In the meantime, Turkey and Armenia could proceed with the
establishment of a diplomatic exchange, which, in itself, would be a major
step towards reconciliation.
Yours respectfully,
[signed]
Roger W. Smith, Chair, Academic Board of Directors
255 Duncan Mill Rd., Suite 310
Toronto, ON, Canada M3B 3H9
Tel: 416-250-9807 Fax: 416-512-1736 E-mail: [email protected]
www.zoryaninstitute.org
September 30, 2009
President Serge Sargsyan
Republic of Armenia
26 Marshal Baghramian Avenue
Yerevan
Republic of Armenia, 0077
E-mail: [email protected], [email protected]
Dear President Sargsyan:
The Protocols for establishing diplomatic relations between Armenia and
Turkey, although intended to help normalize relations between the two
countries, raise serious questions about the process, and contain pitfalls,
which I have set out below for your kind consideration.
My interest in the Protocols arises from being a scholar of genocide studies
for most of my career, a founder of the International Association of
Genocide Scholars, Chairman of the Academic Board of Directors of the Zoryan
Institute, and a recipient of the Movses Khorenatsi Medal last year, awarded
by you, Mr. President, for my "considerable contribution to the
international recognition of the Armenian Genocide."
I and other scholars, who have no personal, ethnic or political motive for
affirming the Armenian Genocide, feel we must point out one significant
aspect of the Protocols, the clauses that call for
a dialogue on the historical dimension with the aim to restore mutual
confidence between the two nations, including an impartial scientific
examination of the historical records and archives to define existing
problems and formulate recommendations
and
the establishment of an intergovernmental bilateral commission which shall
comprise sub-commissions for the prompt implementation of the commitments
mentioned in operations paragraph 2 above in this Protocol.
Does "the historical dimension" article refer to the Armenian Genocide, and
does the "intergovernmental bilateral commission" article refer to a
historical commission? If not, then how can Armenia hope to have normal
relations with Turkey while ignoring a major cause of the tension between
the two countries? If so, then they are a source of grave concern, because
there is a broad scholarly consensus that genocide unquestionably occurred
in the case of the Armenians.
You are well aware, Mr. President, that numerous distinguished historians,
political scientists, sociologists, legal scholars, and authoritative
institutions around the world have investigated the Genocide many times
over, issued academic publications, and even made public declarations. These
scholars have devoted their professional lives to conducting scientific
research with the highest levels of academic integrity. As a result of their
work, scholars have identified the Armenian Genocide as the archetypal case
of modern genocide, whose pattern has many similarities with subsequent
cases. Therefore, any commission that purports now to conduct "an impartial
scientific examination of the historical records and archives" in effect
dismisses all of the extensive research that has already been conducted for
decades and implies that none of it was impartial or scientific. This is
offensive to all genocide scholars, but particularly non-Armenian scholars,
who feel their work is now being truly politicized.
I am sure you can appreciate that they have no confidence that a politically
organized commission would not compromise historical truth, especially
considering the imbalanced power relations between Armenia and Turkey. This
assessment is particularly exacerbated when one considers the following:
1. The national archives of France, Great Britain, and the United States, as
well as Turkey and its wartime allies Germany and Austria, to name only a
few, are full of incontestable documentation of the genocidal intent and
nature of the annihilation of the Armenians.
2. The historical records of the official investigation by a Turkish
military Tribunal in post-war Turkey, recently published, based on
authenticated, official Turkish documents, found irrefutable evidence of
centrally organized mass murder against the bulk of the Ottoman Empire's own
Armenian citizens. The prosecutors were Turks, the judges were Turks, and
most of the witnesses were Turks, including high ranking military officers.
3. The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ), reviewing the
Armenian case for the Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation Commission (TARC),
concluded that "the Events, viewed collectively, can thus be said to include
all of the elements of the crime of genocide as defined in the Convention,
and legal scholars as well as historians, politicians, journalists and other
people would be justified in continuing to so describe them."
4. Prime Minister Erdogan has stated repeatedly that Turkey would never
accept there was an Armenian Genocide, and even if a historical commission
found that the Armenian case is genocide, it is argued, Turkey would just
ignore the decision, as it did the report of the ICTJ, which led to the
resignation of all the Turkish members of TARC.
But most importantly, Mr. President, the scholars are concerned that a
historical commission would embolden those who would consider perpetrating
genocide in future years by showing how easily genocide can be relativized,
especially by the powerful.
In 2001, the Zoryan Institute issued a rare public commentary about
Turkish-Armenian relations, in which it stated
Normally, dialogue is the first step towards the possible resolution of any
conflict, and therefore reconciliation. The participants in a dialogue
generally need to define the key issues which divide the parties and
establish a process by which the dialogue will be conducted. There must be a
sincere desire for mutual understanding and willingness to accept the
factual issues in contention, even if emotionally highly charged..
Turkey does not have the capacity to enter into a process of dialogue to
define the key issue of the Genocide. Even if genocide were to be affirmed
by "an impartial scientific examination of the historical records and
archives," Turkey would not be able to accept this, as it is currently bound
by a strict penal code that makes it illegal for anyone from Turkey to even
mention the Armenian Genocide. Therefore, was the negotiation of the
protocols, so long in the making, done all this time in bad faith?
If not, then perhaps what is required is a modification of the wording in
the Protocol referring to the "historical dimension," or a modification of
the Turkish penal code, which currently criminalizes discussion of this
subject, to make the Protocols viable.
If such modifications are not possible due to diplomatic pressures at this
time, then perhaps it would be prudent to stage the process so that
discussion of the "historical dimension" is deferred. This would allow the
people of both countries, but especially Turkey, the opportunity to
demonstrate "a sincere desire for mutual understanding and willingness to
accept the factual issues in contention, even if emotionally highly
charged." In the meantime, Turkey and Armenia could proceed with the
establishment of a diplomatic exchange, which, in itself, would be a major
step towards reconciliation.
Yours respectfully,
[signed]
Roger W. Smith, Chair, Academic Board of Directors