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RESEARCHER BORA: GAME WITH ARMENIA CONDUCIVE TO NATIONALIST AGITATION
Today's Zaman
12 October 2009, Monday
Tanil Bora, a long-time researcher of nationalism in Turkey, has said
nationalist tendencies are quite strong in soccer stadiums in Turkey --
and Bursa Ataturk Stadium is no exception.
The stadium will play host to a World Cup qualifying match between
Turkey and Armenia on Wednesday, as nationalists from both countries
continue to voice opposition to the normalization of relations between
their nations.
"Nationalist mindsets, cliches and slogans are viewed as normal by
most spectators and these are considered values above politics. And
in many soccer stadiums neo-nationalist and radical nationalist
core groups are very active," Bora told Today's Zaman for Monday
Talk. Bursaspor fans recently greeted Diyarbakirspor -- a team they
consider an extension of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK)
-- with huge Turkish flags and signs that read "We are Turks, we are
all soldiers" and "How happy is he who calls himself a Turk."
The city will host the Turkey-Armenia game at a time when the two
governments' efforts to normalize their relations are at their peak,
as they signed on Saturday -- despite a last-minute delay due to
concerns over the wording of the final statements the parties will
make -- an accord to establish diplomatic ties, aiming to set aside
a century of animosity between the neighboring countries. Some fear
that ultranationalists may try to undermine these efforts by staging
a protest during the game. The soccer diplomacy initiated by the
president of Armenia in September of last year opened the door for the
process of normalization of relations between Armenia and Turkey. It
has drawn the attention of the international community. Answering
our questions, Bora elaborated on this issue.
What went through your mind when you heard that the Turkey-Armenia
soccer game would take place in Bursa after Kayseri was initially
considered for the match? Do you think the location was a soccer
stands in Kayseri, perhaps even stronger than in Bursa. During the
Kayserispor-Paris Saint-Germain game last year in September, fans
held a banner that read "We are the children of the Ottoman, the
world needs our noble blood" in French! In fact, almost every town
and stand in Turkey is prone to nationalism. Nationalist mindsets,
cliches and slogans are viewed as normal by most spectators, and
these are considered values above politics. And in many soccer
stadiums, neo-nationalist and radical nationalist core groups are
very active. The game with Armenia is amply suitable for nationalist
agitation. As you know, the word "Armenian" was used as an adjective
curse word for decades. There are still people who use it in that
sense. It is for this reason that racist slogans can easily "erupt"
during a provocation or in a highly tense environment.
What city would be an exception to this kind of atmosphere?
Diyarbakir! It would have been a wonderful gesture to hold the game
in Diyarbakir. It would have been a gesture that softened the "match"
between the identities of "Kurdish" and "Armenian," which are demonized
and vilified by the identities of Turkey and "Turk."
Would you say that Bursa fans in general have nationalist
tendencies? Or are nationalistic behaviors peculiar to some groups,
such as the fans called "Texas"?
The soccer fans in the stands in Bursa have strong nationalist
tendencies. Additionally, radical nationalist groups have an effective
weight. But this is not unique to Bursa. What is essentially important
is the existence of a well-organized fan tradition in Bursa. They are
a dynamic, fiery and loud choir, and if there is a desire to create
a "performance," this place in particular is very convenient. But
we must bear in mind that the "leaders" that direct fans in stands
and especially nationalist core groups in Turkey are usually under
the tight supervision of security officials. Even during ordinary
league games, fans are required to obtain permissi will shout. When
necessary, fans are warned or guided. I don't think the government will
leave the spectators "unattended," especially during a politically
important event such as the game with Armenia. The stands will be
guided according to the kind of atmosphere we want to create and the
message we want to give to the local and international public. There
might be slogans that deviate from the "official" line, but certainly
it will be the official line that will dominate the atmosphere.
There are rumors of potential provocations. Do you think these
are likely?
This is a noteworthy point. Two days after the Diyarbakırspor game,
Bursaspor Chairman İbrahim Yazıcı said, "This time the events
unraveled a bit differently; they were provoked." I find this very
important. It seems to me that he is signaling a provocation aside from
the club administration's organization of its fans. We know that there
is a strong wing in the political structure and within the state that
opposes the Kurdish initiative and likewise the Armenian initiative and
the democratic initiative. Perhaps these [groups] wanted to utilize
the stands to have their voices effectively heard. Most likely
there was a similar intervention in the Bursaspor-Diyarbakırspor
game. But the Turkey-Armenia game will be set on too large of a stage
and will be under too grand of a spotlight. It is possible to ask,
"Was the demonstration in Bursa a rehearsal for the Turkey-Armenia
game?" Maybe some people had that in mind. But even if that was the
case, it backfired because the banners and the slogans shouted during
the Diyarbakırspor game drew a strong reaction from the public.
Diyarbakırspor between two 'missions'
Even though the Diyarbakırspor-Bursaspor game was not a national
game, signs that read "Happy is he who calls himself a Turk" were
displayed. What is the meaning behind this?
Diyarbakırspor has been subject to this kind of treatment since
the early 1990s, in other words ever since the clashes in Turkey's
Southeast evolved into a war. In any stand where the Kurdish population
is not the majority, Diyarbakırspor is identified with the PKK and
subject to symbolic and physical assault. This is actually aggression
toward Kurds. Shouting "PKK out" toward Diyarbakırspor and its fans
is no different from shouting "Kurds out." Allow me to repeat a point
I have written many times in the past: Diyarbakırspor has two faces.
Yes.
On one hand, it is a popular people's team representing the
Kurdish identity. On the other hand, it is a tool of the state in
a tactic to make soccer a center of attention instead of "terror"
and the "Kurdish problem" and to use it to "entertain" the Kurdish
people. Diyarbakırspor has been swinging back and forth between these
two "missions" for 20 years. It is neither one nor the other. In line
with this tactic, the state occasionally favors Diyarbakırspor as
well. The state favoring Diyarbakırspor may sometimes also give the
fans of other teams more reason for nationalistic reactions.
Is the national anthem still recited at soccer games?
Of course it is recited. It is recited even at lower division games,
where the number of spectators is in the triple digits. There is
nothing natural about it, but it has become natural. Some people
over the last two or three years have said, "For god's sake,
let's end this." In fact, some people who lack nothing in terms of
being nationalist have expressed this opinion. Some people want
to do that because they think that the national anthem becomes
ecited like this. Others believe it is an unnecessary agitation,
and yet others believe that it is an absurd ceremony exaggerating
formality. But these suggestions lead to reactions such as "Oh, are
you against the national anthem?" or "Do you want to set back national
sensitivities?" Therefore, those who suggest change cannot insist
upon it. The national anthem ceremony before soccer games was started
about 15 years ago. In early 2006, a former National Security Council
[MGK] official had said that this practice was conceived of within
the scope of "psychological operations used against separatism." This
was reported in the Zaman daily. Apparently, this is a never-ending
psychological operation.
'Europe, Europe hear our voice/This is the sound of the marching Turks'
Nationalism became a popular topic of discussion in Turkey in the
2000s. The murder of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink in 2006 has
been evaluated in relation to nationalist elements. Whether nationalism
is on the rise is another question often asked. Are conditions in
Turkey appropriate for the growth of nationalism? Is there a strong
potential for nationalism in Turkey? And what kind of nationalism --
ethnic-racist nationalism or neo-nationalism?
Nationalism in Turkey has a foundation of strong building blocks. This
stems from the national education curriculum, militarism and
the dependence of the official ideology on concerns related to
existence. Following the Sept. 12, 1980 coup d'état, being involved
in politics was criminalized, all ideologies were demonized and there
was an effort to create an obedient population. Institutionalizing
nationalism as the sole and mandatory ideology complemented these
changes. On top of everything, it was a type of nationalism that
was considered "natural" and a reality above ideologies. These are
structural factors. The Kurdish issue made these structural factors
more radical and pushed them into a pro-fascist channel. There were
circumstantial factors in addition to these structural factors in
the early 2000s.
Would you elaborate?
Some aspects of reforms that come up during Turkey's European Union
integration process that have brought about a weakening in nationalist
ideology incite nationalist reactions. It does this not only among
political and bureaucratic elites but also in crowds that identify
with this ideology. With the adoption of a discourse that suggests,
"These are games of foreign powers," this reaction becomes inflamed
into a conspiracy d explains every incident as a foreign conspiracy. We
must also take into consideration the effects of the current financial
crisis as well as the one that took place in the early 2000s. The
middle class, who were especially traumatized by the crisis, reflect
the concerns they have about losing their economic status and prestige
in society mainly by embracing this reactionary nationalism. They
also react against the Muslim or conservative new elite.
What would you say about neo-nationalism in Turkey?
The vein of nationalism known as neo-nationalism is swelling up in
the way I just explained. Within the scope of its own traditional
style, ultranationalist radical nationalism is also thriving on the
same reaction vein; the increase in Nationalist Movement Party [MHP]
votes in the Aegean and Mediterranean regions in the last general
elections is noteworthy. These regions are regions where economic and
social discontentment quickly translates into ethnic and nationalist
reaction. Additionally, in these regions, the Kurdish public has been
used as a scapegoat for the existence of these reactions, hence making
the same regions suitable for provoking reactions. This is called
ethnicizing social, economic and political issues. In addition to
this, we can't say that nationalist-conservative mentality types
have been completely removed from the liberal-conservative wing,
which is seen as relatively "calm" and considers itself the "owner"
of democratization reforms. In short, nationalist discourses are
powerful and tend to incite each other.
Do you think nationalism increases in Turkey as opposition to Turkey's
membership increases in the EU?
All nationalist discourses in Turkey have strong autarkist
tendencies. They view the "outside" as spooky, and xenophobia is
fairly high. The EU is not perceived as a ground in which Turkey is
included to build relations or pursue struggles nor is it perceived
as a platform in which there are different stances toward Turkey. But
rather it is seen as a monobloc "foreign power." Therefore, any topic
related to the EU is quickly ruled out as the "imposition of foreign
power." But as you know, there are mixed feeling about the West and
Europe here, a "love-hate complex" that many authors focus on. If we
go back to international soccer, there is a popular cheer that has
been shouted in the stands for more than 10 years, "Europe, Europe,
hear our voice/This is the sound of the marching Turks." This is a
wonderful example of the complex: challenging Europe and wanting to
be recognized by Europe.
12 October 2009, Monday YONCA POYRAZ DOÄ~^AN Ä°STANBUL
'Nationalist mindsets, clichés and slogans are viewed as normal by
most spectators, and these are considered values above politics. And
in many soccer stadiums, neo-nationalist and radical nationalist core
groups are very active'
TANIL BORA, a prolific researcher on nationalism in Turkey
For the last eight years, he has given postgraduate lectures at Ankara
University's faculty of political science on political thought in
Turkey, especially right-wing ideology and nationalism. He has been
the editor of non-fiction books at Ä°letiÅ~_im Publishing House since
1988 and the editor-in-chief of the trimonthly social science journal
Toplum ve Bilim (Society and Science) since 1993. He has written
articles in Birikim, a monthly analytical political review, since 1989.
He has written more than a dozen books. In their 2004 "Devlet ve
Kuzgun" (Stat to the 2000s.
His most recent book is "Turkiye'nin Linc Rejimi" (Turkey's Lynch
Regime), released earlier this year.
Today's Zaman
12 October 2009, Monday
Tanil Bora, a long-time researcher of nationalism in Turkey, has said
nationalist tendencies are quite strong in soccer stadiums in Turkey --
and Bursa Ataturk Stadium is no exception.
The stadium will play host to a World Cup qualifying match between
Turkey and Armenia on Wednesday, as nationalists from both countries
continue to voice opposition to the normalization of relations between
their nations.
"Nationalist mindsets, cliches and slogans are viewed as normal by
most spectators and these are considered values above politics. And
in many soccer stadiums neo-nationalist and radical nationalist
core groups are very active," Bora told Today's Zaman for Monday
Talk. Bursaspor fans recently greeted Diyarbakirspor -- a team they
consider an extension of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK)
-- with huge Turkish flags and signs that read "We are Turks, we are
all soldiers" and "How happy is he who calls himself a Turk."
The city will host the Turkey-Armenia game at a time when the two
governments' efforts to normalize their relations are at their peak,
as they signed on Saturday -- despite a last-minute delay due to
concerns over the wording of the final statements the parties will
make -- an accord to establish diplomatic ties, aiming to set aside
a century of animosity between the neighboring countries. Some fear
that ultranationalists may try to undermine these efforts by staging
a protest during the game. The soccer diplomacy initiated by the
president of Armenia in September of last year opened the door for the
process of normalization of relations between Armenia and Turkey. It
has drawn the attention of the international community. Answering
our questions, Bora elaborated on this issue.
What went through your mind when you heard that the Turkey-Armenia
soccer game would take place in Bursa after Kayseri was initially
considered for the match? Do you think the location was a soccer
stands in Kayseri, perhaps even stronger than in Bursa. During the
Kayserispor-Paris Saint-Germain game last year in September, fans
held a banner that read "We are the children of the Ottoman, the
world needs our noble blood" in French! In fact, almost every town
and stand in Turkey is prone to nationalism. Nationalist mindsets,
cliches and slogans are viewed as normal by most spectators, and
these are considered values above politics. And in many soccer
stadiums, neo-nationalist and radical nationalist core groups are
very active. The game with Armenia is amply suitable for nationalist
agitation. As you know, the word "Armenian" was used as an adjective
curse word for decades. There are still people who use it in that
sense. It is for this reason that racist slogans can easily "erupt"
during a provocation or in a highly tense environment.
What city would be an exception to this kind of atmosphere?
Diyarbakir! It would have been a wonderful gesture to hold the game
in Diyarbakir. It would have been a gesture that softened the "match"
between the identities of "Kurdish" and "Armenian," which are demonized
and vilified by the identities of Turkey and "Turk."
Would you say that Bursa fans in general have nationalist
tendencies? Or are nationalistic behaviors peculiar to some groups,
such as the fans called "Texas"?
The soccer fans in the stands in Bursa have strong nationalist
tendencies. Additionally, radical nationalist groups have an effective
weight. But this is not unique to Bursa. What is essentially important
is the existence of a well-organized fan tradition in Bursa. They are
a dynamic, fiery and loud choir, and if there is a desire to create
a "performance," this place in particular is very convenient. But
we must bear in mind that the "leaders" that direct fans in stands
and especially nationalist core groups in Turkey are usually under
the tight supervision of security officials. Even during ordinary
league games, fans are required to obtain permissi will shout. When
necessary, fans are warned or guided. I don't think the government will
leave the spectators "unattended," especially during a politically
important event such as the game with Armenia. The stands will be
guided according to the kind of atmosphere we want to create and the
message we want to give to the local and international public. There
might be slogans that deviate from the "official" line, but certainly
it will be the official line that will dominate the atmosphere.
There are rumors of potential provocations. Do you think these
are likely?
This is a noteworthy point. Two days after the Diyarbakırspor game,
Bursaspor Chairman İbrahim Yazıcı said, "This time the events
unraveled a bit differently; they were provoked." I find this very
important. It seems to me that he is signaling a provocation aside from
the club administration's organization of its fans. We know that there
is a strong wing in the political structure and within the state that
opposes the Kurdish initiative and likewise the Armenian initiative and
the democratic initiative. Perhaps these [groups] wanted to utilize
the stands to have their voices effectively heard. Most likely
there was a similar intervention in the Bursaspor-Diyarbakırspor
game. But the Turkey-Armenia game will be set on too large of a stage
and will be under too grand of a spotlight. It is possible to ask,
"Was the demonstration in Bursa a rehearsal for the Turkey-Armenia
game?" Maybe some people had that in mind. But even if that was the
case, it backfired because the banners and the slogans shouted during
the Diyarbakırspor game drew a strong reaction from the public.
Diyarbakırspor between two 'missions'
Even though the Diyarbakırspor-Bursaspor game was not a national
game, signs that read "Happy is he who calls himself a Turk" were
displayed. What is the meaning behind this?
Diyarbakırspor has been subject to this kind of treatment since
the early 1990s, in other words ever since the clashes in Turkey's
Southeast evolved into a war. In any stand where the Kurdish population
is not the majority, Diyarbakırspor is identified with the PKK and
subject to symbolic and physical assault. This is actually aggression
toward Kurds. Shouting "PKK out" toward Diyarbakırspor and its fans
is no different from shouting "Kurds out." Allow me to repeat a point
I have written many times in the past: Diyarbakırspor has two faces.
Yes.
On one hand, it is a popular people's team representing the
Kurdish identity. On the other hand, it is a tool of the state in
a tactic to make soccer a center of attention instead of "terror"
and the "Kurdish problem" and to use it to "entertain" the Kurdish
people. Diyarbakırspor has been swinging back and forth between these
two "missions" for 20 years. It is neither one nor the other. In line
with this tactic, the state occasionally favors Diyarbakırspor as
well. The state favoring Diyarbakırspor may sometimes also give the
fans of other teams more reason for nationalistic reactions.
Is the national anthem still recited at soccer games?
Of course it is recited. It is recited even at lower division games,
where the number of spectators is in the triple digits. There is
nothing natural about it, but it has become natural. Some people
over the last two or three years have said, "For god's sake,
let's end this." In fact, some people who lack nothing in terms of
being nationalist have expressed this opinion. Some people want
to do that because they think that the national anthem becomes
ecited like this. Others believe it is an unnecessary agitation,
and yet others believe that it is an absurd ceremony exaggerating
formality. But these suggestions lead to reactions such as "Oh, are
you against the national anthem?" or "Do you want to set back national
sensitivities?" Therefore, those who suggest change cannot insist
upon it. The national anthem ceremony before soccer games was started
about 15 years ago. In early 2006, a former National Security Council
[MGK] official had said that this practice was conceived of within
the scope of "psychological operations used against separatism." This
was reported in the Zaman daily. Apparently, this is a never-ending
psychological operation.
'Europe, Europe hear our voice/This is the sound of the marching Turks'
Nationalism became a popular topic of discussion in Turkey in the
2000s. The murder of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink in 2006 has
been evaluated in relation to nationalist elements. Whether nationalism
is on the rise is another question often asked. Are conditions in
Turkey appropriate for the growth of nationalism? Is there a strong
potential for nationalism in Turkey? And what kind of nationalism --
ethnic-racist nationalism or neo-nationalism?
Nationalism in Turkey has a foundation of strong building blocks. This
stems from the national education curriculum, militarism and
the dependence of the official ideology on concerns related to
existence. Following the Sept. 12, 1980 coup d'état, being involved
in politics was criminalized, all ideologies were demonized and there
was an effort to create an obedient population. Institutionalizing
nationalism as the sole and mandatory ideology complemented these
changes. On top of everything, it was a type of nationalism that
was considered "natural" and a reality above ideologies. These are
structural factors. The Kurdish issue made these structural factors
more radical and pushed them into a pro-fascist channel. There were
circumstantial factors in addition to these structural factors in
the early 2000s.
Would you elaborate?
Some aspects of reforms that come up during Turkey's European Union
integration process that have brought about a weakening in nationalist
ideology incite nationalist reactions. It does this not only among
political and bureaucratic elites but also in crowds that identify
with this ideology. With the adoption of a discourse that suggests,
"These are games of foreign powers," this reaction becomes inflamed
into a conspiracy d explains every incident as a foreign conspiracy. We
must also take into consideration the effects of the current financial
crisis as well as the one that took place in the early 2000s. The
middle class, who were especially traumatized by the crisis, reflect
the concerns they have about losing their economic status and prestige
in society mainly by embracing this reactionary nationalism. They
also react against the Muslim or conservative new elite.
What would you say about neo-nationalism in Turkey?
The vein of nationalism known as neo-nationalism is swelling up in
the way I just explained. Within the scope of its own traditional
style, ultranationalist radical nationalism is also thriving on the
same reaction vein; the increase in Nationalist Movement Party [MHP]
votes in the Aegean and Mediterranean regions in the last general
elections is noteworthy. These regions are regions where economic and
social discontentment quickly translates into ethnic and nationalist
reaction. Additionally, in these regions, the Kurdish public has been
used as a scapegoat for the existence of these reactions, hence making
the same regions suitable for provoking reactions. This is called
ethnicizing social, economic and political issues. In addition to
this, we can't say that nationalist-conservative mentality types
have been completely removed from the liberal-conservative wing,
which is seen as relatively "calm" and considers itself the "owner"
of democratization reforms. In short, nationalist discourses are
powerful and tend to incite each other.
Do you think nationalism increases in Turkey as opposition to Turkey's
membership increases in the EU?
All nationalist discourses in Turkey have strong autarkist
tendencies. They view the "outside" as spooky, and xenophobia is
fairly high. The EU is not perceived as a ground in which Turkey is
included to build relations or pursue struggles nor is it perceived
as a platform in which there are different stances toward Turkey. But
rather it is seen as a monobloc "foreign power." Therefore, any topic
related to the EU is quickly ruled out as the "imposition of foreign
power." But as you know, there are mixed feeling about the West and
Europe here, a "love-hate complex" that many authors focus on. If we
go back to international soccer, there is a popular cheer that has
been shouted in the stands for more than 10 years, "Europe, Europe,
hear our voice/This is the sound of the marching Turks." This is a
wonderful example of the complex: challenging Europe and wanting to
be recognized by Europe.
12 October 2009, Monday YONCA POYRAZ DOÄ~^AN Ä°STANBUL
'Nationalist mindsets, clichés and slogans are viewed as normal by
most spectators, and these are considered values above politics. And
in many soccer stadiums, neo-nationalist and radical nationalist core
groups are very active'
TANIL BORA, a prolific researcher on nationalism in Turkey
For the last eight years, he has given postgraduate lectures at Ankara
University's faculty of political science on political thought in
Turkey, especially right-wing ideology and nationalism. He has been
the editor of non-fiction books at Ä°letiÅ~_im Publishing House since
1988 and the editor-in-chief of the trimonthly social science journal
Toplum ve Bilim (Society and Science) since 1993. He has written
articles in Birikim, a monthly analytical political review, since 1989.
He has written more than a dozen books. In their 2004 "Devlet ve
Kuzgun" (Stat to the 2000s.
His most recent book is "Turkiye'nin Linc Rejimi" (Turkey's Lynch
Regime), released earlier this year.