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ANKARA: Peace-sick

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  • ANKARA: Peace-sick

    Today's Zaman, Turkey
    Oct 25 2009


    Peace-sick

    by DOGU ERGIL


    What is happening in this country? It was not long ago that we were at
    odds with all our neighbors. Those were the days when we knew who our
    friends and foes were. Foes made us feel comfortable in a world in
    which we knew what to do. Constant confrontation made us feel like an
    `army nation,' as many leaders were proud to say, and this legitimized
    the tutelage of the military in public affairs.
    Now everything is topsy-turvy. We are not on the brink of war with
    Greece. We are not protesting Bulgaria for oppressing and assimilating
    our Turkish brethren living in that country. We have waived the visa
    obligation with Syria. We are rapidly integrating our economy with
    Iraq, especially its Kurdish north. Iran is coordinating its maneuvers
    against terrorism with us and expects Turkey to help tone down the
    harsh rhetoric of the West against its nuclear program. Last but not
    least, we have signed protocols to normalize relations with Armenia,
    mutually demonstrating enough maturity by refusing to be prisoners of
    the past.

    This is too much, too fast. The old bureaucratic elite and the
    political class of Turkey, together with a part of the people at large
    who believe that statecraft is the art of maintaining the status quo,
    are baffled and horrified. The world they came into and were
    conditioned to live in is waning before their eyes.

    This is not the full extent of change in the making. We are making
    peace with the Kurds on either side of the border. Those Kurds were
    the main culprits in the National Security Document prepared by the
    National Security Council that guided our national defense policy. I
    do not know about the present, but only a few years ago it had been
    seen by only a handful of people at the top, excluding most of the
    Cabinet ministers. Then came along the initiative to reconcile with
    non-Muslim minorities and lastly, reform in religious teaching was
    demanded by the prime minister.

    What is happening? `Have we lost a war?' This is the exact wording of
    a question in one of the nationalist blogs. This much change is
    perceived as dissolution or disintegration by some circles, rather
    than renovation or normalization. For them constant conflict is the
    normal state of things. They really have a hard time grasping the fact
    that a system avoids lengthy conflict and dissonance because it puts
    the survival of the system at peril. Either the state of conflict or
    the system will perish.

    This simple truth is acknowledged by the incumbent government of
    Turkey. They have also read international signs which necessitate that
    Turkey be a stable country in the midst of unstable regions that are
    rich with natural resources badly needed worldwide. Turkey is expected
    to be an energy hub and a democratic country that will be an exemplar
    for other Muslim countries run by authoritarian or totalitarian
    regimes.

    In short Turkey's value has gone up, but those who claim to value
    their country more than others are unaware of this reality. They can
    be excused, however, for the simple reason that they have been brought
    up with the belief that `a Turk's only friend is another Turk' without
    really questioning it. If they looked around they would see that Turks
    are mainly fighting with other Turks. The main targets of their wrath
    are the difference that another Turkish group has or represents. That
    is why one ought to say to these people, `Hey, we have not lost a war,
    but we may finally be winning the peace.' (Thank you, Demiray Oral, of
    Taraf.)

    The irony in the whole affair is that the government that is behind
    this multifaceted political agenda was looked upon as fundamentally
    Islamic and too xenophobic. This is what our secular, Western-oriented
    and `modern' segment of society believed then, as it does now, to a
    great extent. However, they now have an ally, namely the Israeli
    elite, who began to express their concern for the Justice and
    Development Party (AK Party) government as being Islamist and
    anti-Western. We know politics makes strange bedfellows, but it seems
    it also makes conjectural prayer groups who chant the wrong verse.

    State actors are gradually leaving center-stage and civilian actors
    are taking their place. From the way the path is laid by the AK Party
    government, new political forces will walk into power (at least share
    power) in the near future. These will never be the opposition parties
    (the Republican People's Party [CHP] and the Nationalist Movement
    Party [MHP]). Their time is over; they belong to Turkey's past. Their
    only political instrument is the dissemination of fear, suspicion and
    grief. Yet, we are not abandoning anything to grieve about.

    If the AK Party and its allies in civil society succeed in changing
    the military-made Constitution (1982) together with the political
    party and election laws, there is no doubt that Turkey will
    politically become a much more versatile country and its democracy
    will be much more competitive. Only then can we talk about `catching
    up with contemporary standards' with which we can set our potential
    into motion and strengthen any alliance or partnership we become a
    part of.
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