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  • ANKARA: Turkish Kemalist stalwart Bedri Baykam outspoken in Opp to A

    Hurriyet Daily News, Turkey
    April 10 2010


    Turkish Kemalist stalwart Bedri Baykam outspoken in opposition to AKP

    Saturday, April 10, 2010
    GÃ`L DEMIR - NIKI GAMM
    ISTANBUL ' Hürriyet Daily News


    Kemalist stalwart Baykam: 'Nobody really wants to understand that
    democracy is also a political system that has to protect itself.
    Nobody wants to understand that democracy can only exist in a secular
    society. Nobody understands that if you don� fight against the mixing
    of religion with politics, you cannot have a free society, a free
    generation, free art, free press'






    Bedri Baykam has been involved in art since he was very young and has
    been a supporter of the principles laid down by modern Turkish founder
    Mustafa Kemal Atatürk since his early youth. His father, Dr. Suphi
    Baykam, was a deputy and spokesman for the Republican People's Party,
    or CHP, which Atatürk established.

    Over the years, Baykam has been an outspoken member of the CHP and has
    even been a candidate for president of the party. Most recently, he
    has prepared a new set of rules and regulations for the CHP that will
    be introduced to the party at its congress in May. Despite his heavy
    political agenda, however, he is also organizing an exhibition that
    opens next week in Paris.

    Coming from a Kemalist perspective, Baykam said he was not in favor of
    the proposed constitutional amendments from the Justice and
    Development Party, or AKP.

    `The AKP is not trying to make a Constitution for Turkey. The AKP is
    trying to make a constitution for the party that they want to impose
    on the country,' he told the Hürriyet Daily News & Economic Review.

    `This is like a Constitution that would turn [Prime Minister Recep
    Tayyip] ErdoÄ?an and [President Abdullah] Gül into almost like a double
    dictatorship where they appoint anybody ranging from the `Islamicist
    Conservative Council of Television Production' to the way they now
    appoint university deans. They want to appoint all the people in the
    law and judiciary system. And they want themselves, or one of them,
    the president, to appoint almost all of the constitutional court
    members. And they even take the joke as far as saying that if a state
    prosecutor is thinking about closing down a party, he should ask
    permission to do that of the Parliament. `Can I close you?' `Do you
    want me to close you?''

    Declaring the situation amusing, if not tragic, he said: `This is like
    the best jokes of Nasrettin Hoca. Even Nasrettin Hoca did not have so
    much imagination in preparing jokes like this. And the point is that
    this which is like the joke of the century is talked about seriously
    in the Turkish press and political arena. People are going to laugh a
    hell of a lot when they look back on those years and what the AKP was
    trying to do to Turkish democracy. And unfortunately some press people
    are scared; unfortunately some press people cannot write freely. Some
    of the big press groups have fired some of their most important
    writers on the demand of AKP and they thought this would leave them in
    peace. But they have seen that this wasn't the case and they still
    have big backlashes even after they fired their most important
    writers.'

    Baykam said it was incorrect to suggest that the increasing
    civilianization of Turkish politics will result in more democracy.
    `Well, the AKP has proven that getting more civilians doesn't mean
    getting more democrats. They have made it a so-called more civilian
    Turkey that has become a totally Islamo-fascist country so they have
    proven that there is no relation between a country that is civilian or
    military and the country that is democratic.'

    Noting the fear many in Turkey now have of wiretapping, he said:
    `[People] are even scared to talk in their own kitchen because
    everybody has convinced everybody that those mobile phones can even
    record when you're not talking to each other, even it's shut, even if
    you take out the battery, even if you throw it down the sink.'

    `State terrorism'

    Declaring the AKP to have a `terrorist-state spirit,' Baykam said:
    `Anybody who buys the joke that this government is democratizing
    Turkey is either the stupidest person on earth or the biggest sell
    out. I don't think anybody who has got a regular I.Q. that knows
    anything basic about democracy, seeing what the AKP is doing to this
    Constitution and to Turkey, seeing how they got in control of the
    Sabah and ATV newspaper ¦ and how ridiculous the partisans who bid
    were and how so many other things are distributed as wealth and
    contracts between the AKP and societies [can believe what's
    happening].'

    Baykam further criticized the government's perceived attacks on the
    military, as well as the incarceration of writer Mustafa Balbay, TV
    channel owner Tuncay Ã-zkan, a TV owner, Workers' Party leader DoÄ?u
    Perinçek and organ transplant doctor Mehmet Haberal

    `The basis of democracy creates a climate against the ruling party. I
    am not among those naïve people who would buy that and think they were
    doing this for democracy. It's more than a joke. They want to have
    zero control over themselves from the judiciary system like the
    separation-of-power system. They want to eliminate this. They want to
    control the judiciary system as much as they control this funny thing
    [Supreme Board of Radio and Television] RTÃ`K. They keep talking about
    the headscarf, about tolerance. We faced with people who have fewer
    tolerances on lifestyles, on alcohol, on unity so for them tolerance
    is only the name of imposing their own lifestyle. And the funny thing
    is that the AKP has called it democracy.'

    Baykam said until the `post-modern coup' of Feb. 28, 1997, which
    unseated the Islamist Welfare Party, the government had tried to
    install shariah law. `After the famous Feb. 28 decree imposed by the
    [military] security council, they changed tactics, especially with the
    AKP. This is now their new tactic. They said, `We're going to do
    exactly the same things. We're going to make a defense of exactly the
    same lifestyles, philosophy. We're going to try to impose the same
    Middle-Ages mentality on Turkey but instead of calling it shariah,
    we're going to call it democracy. This is a decision they have taken
    and they have been applying. ¦ It's wonderful. It was a very, very
    clever move. The problem is that not everybody swallows that.'

    Baykam said the most problematic change being proposed is the
    nomination of the Constitutional Court members, 16 of them, by the
    president because it would `finish the judiciary.'

    He also complained about the government's proposed changes to the way
    political parties are shut down.

    `They said, `Well, a party can be shut down only if it uses
    terrorism.' This is more than ridiculous. This is a law for a marginal
    party that would be an ethnic party so they could say before they
    close it down that they have relations with a terrorist group, etc.
    But what if we're talking about state terrorism? What if we're talking
    about a party in power that uses its own legal strength as police and
    law mixed in one and if they use it in a terrorist way and get rid of
    democracy and human rights and eliminate all their opposition through
    so-called legal means? Who is going to fight against that? You're not
    going to call this terrorism. You're going to say we're doing it with
    the police. This is wrong; this is the state doing it. They don't want
    anyone to stop them on that issue,' he said.

    `So they want a government that operates without any limits, without
    any danger of being closed down no matter how much they would abuse
    the Constitution and there would be no judiciary system to stop them
    and no military to stop them nor any press to stop them because the
    press is also paralyzed. So they want a one-party system where they
    control the law, the press, the military, the universities, the youth
    and where they even control your reservations in heaven or hell,' he
    said.

    Reiterating his objection to the entire constitutional package in
    general, Baykam said the documents should not go to a referendum at
    all given the abuse of power the amendments represent.

    `But talking in general, when you make a constitutional change like
    this, every law should be voted on separately. It is ridiculous. They
    want to impose some good things mixed with all the worst and terrible
    ones and they want to put them in the same package so just by putting
    the light on the positive elements they want to make it pass. Like
    every other move they have done, they think that they are very shrewd.
    So of course it should be voted separately, talking in general, but if
    you ask me, this should not be voted at all.'

    `Killing democracy in Turkey'

    Arguing that the package is the final stroke in the AKP's plan to
    `kill democracy in Turkey,' he said: `The AKP has made many moves and
    they have taken control of the Parliament and of most of the
    municipalities. Now they're in control of more than half of the press
    and now they're trying to kill the judiciary system and later their
    next move is to kill the CHP.'

    For Baykam, it is evident that the AKP is trying to grossly violate
    the principles of secularism. `I can see all these moves as the person
    who has been warning society for 25 years against the mixing of Islam
    with politics and if AKP was a legal party in a country in which
    secularism is a must in the Constitution and in the political parties
    law, then the foreign press would not have been talking about the
    Islamist government in Turkey. ¦ This proves how much they have mixed
    politics with religion and how unconstitutional that is and how
    ridiculous that is and how illegal that is and now that they can't
    behave according to the Constitution, they want to make the
    Constitution that fits them.'

    Transforming the CHP

    `So for democratizing Turkey we want to change the way that political
    parties are handled. I'm trying to make a big move in the CHP to
    democratize CHP at the May 22 congress,' Baykam said.

    `We have held many panel discussions with a variety of people so I'm
    really putting the pressure on the CHP to democratize it. Now [party
    leader] Deniz Baykal has started talking in the last month, `Maybe
    we'll open the doors to women and youth.' Well actually no. I say this
    shouldn't just be window dressing. You must give quotas to women, to
    youth in Parliament. You must give 25 percent to women; you must give
    25 percent to youth. You must let people choose their own Parliament
    members and not appoint them yourself. So I'm trying to impose
    democratization on the CHP so they become the first party in Turkey to
    become a democratic party.'

    Baykam, however, said other parties instead of the CHP are beginning
    to copy his ideas. `The funny thing is that Baykal is not listening to
    me. But [Å?iÅ?li Mayor and Turkey Movement for Change Chairman] Mustafa
    Sarıgül is busy copying my ideas. Those were the ideas I cared the
    most about when I was a candidate for the presidency of the CHP in
    2003. But now I've turned them into rules for the CHP constitution.
    Baykal doesn't want to see this preparation but Sarigül and [Democrat
    Party Chairman] Husamettin Cindoruk are getting more influenced by
    it.'

    He further criticized the government on its failure to remove the
    current election threshold. `This [10 percent threshold] is very
    undemocratic and sad. If you ask me any party that gets 2 percent
    should be represented, even 1 percent. If it's not to have a seat, it
    should at least be represented. We should go back to what was called
    the `Milli-yi Vakia' [needs explanation] in the 1960s.'

    Criticizing those who say this would open the way for instability,
    Baykam said: `You call this stability, the AKP controlling everything
    and trying to kill the parliamentary system and the constitution and
    democracy? I'm sorry. I prefer the worst coalition than having this
    one single-party offensive on democracy.'

    Arguing that the AKP does not want to enter Europe, Baykam said: `It's
    a big lie. They pretend to want to enter Europe so the army does not
    move against them. Moreover, the European Union does not want to take
    Turkey either. They have pretended to want to take Turkey into the EU
    just so that they would have a bigger market. Even [former French
    President] Jacques Chirac said we could talk 20 years and we won't
    know if we would have free circulation rights. And only one single
    country vetoing Turkey ` on Armenian issues, Cyprus issues, Turkey
    issues ` is enough for a refusal.'

    Noting the exaggerated celebrations for the beginning of Turkey's EU
    negotiations, he said: `In 20 years we don't even know if Europe will
    exist. If you don't see the hawks in this relation on both sides,
    you're more than naïve. On the other hand, Europe understands
    absolutely nothing of Turkish politics if they really believe that the
    AKP is like a conservative Christian party who wants to democratize
    Turkey, they're really not following at all what's happening in this
    country. They'd better come and assist the court cases of Ergenekon
    and follow them and what we write about Turkey so that they can really
    have a grasp of what's going on in Turkey.'

    In conclusion, Baykam said: `This is only a beginning. Everybody talks
    about democracy. Nobody really cares about it. Nobody tries to
    construct it really. Nobody wants to give the power to the people.
    Nobody really wants to understand that democracy is also a political
    system that has to protect itself. Nobody wants to understand that
    democracy can only exist in a secular society. Nobody understands that
    if you don't fight against the mixing of religion with politics, you
    cannot have a free society, a free generation, free art, free press
    and you cannot even have a respectful religion because all these
    people are using the weaknesses of democracy and the weakness of
    people's love for God or religion and turning it into money and power
    for themselves. Anybody who cannot see what's happening will be liable
    in front of history and in front of.'
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